History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2: Volume 2

History of Orissa from the Earliest Times to the British Period v2

Language: English

v2.c32 Front matter — 6 parts
v2.c33 Publisher's Note to the Second Volume — 6 parts
v2.c34 List of Illustrations — 5 parts
v2.c35 Addenda and Corrigenda — 41 parts
v2.c36 Corrections — 5 parts
v2.c37 Chapter XXIII. The Struggle Between the Pathans and the Mughals — 125 parts
v2.c38 Chapter XXIV. The Mughal Rule in Orissa — 53 parts
v2.c39 Chapter XXV. Orissa under the Nazims of Bengal — 91 parts
v2.c40 Chapter XXVI — 79 parts
v2.c41 Chapter XXVII — 368 parts
v2.c42 Appendix III. Sambhaji Ganesh Khandekar — 7 parts
v2.c43 Appendix IV. The Maratha Conquest of the Sambalpur Tract — 32 parts
v2.c44 Chapter XXVIII — 151 parts
v2.c45 Appendix V. Bengalis and Early British Administration — 6 parts
v2.c46 Chapter XXIX — 155 parts
v2.c47 Chapter XXX. Plastic Art — 155 parts
v2.c48 Appendix VI. Rajput Origins in Orissa — 39 parts
v2.c49 Index — 270 parts

Volume 2

Front matter

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FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE BRITISH PERIOD Vol. 2

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By R. D. BANERJI, M. A. Manindra Chandra Nundy Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture, and Fellow, Benares Hindu University, formerly Fellow of the Bombay University.

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Vol. II With one map and ninety-five plates

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Printed and Published by M. C. Das, at the PRABASI PRESS 120-2, Upper Circular Road, Calcutta.

Publisher's Note to the Second Volume

It would have given me unmixed pleasure, if the erudite author of this work had lived to see it published. But unhappily he died before even the first volume had been given to the public. It is some consolation, however, that the last fruit of his labours is at length out of the press.

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It is to be regretted that there has been some delay in the publication of the second volume. But it was to some extent unavoidable, as the author had requested that certain illustrations and some information on certain points should be included in this volume. His wishes have been met as far as was practicable.

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The work will now await the verdict of contemporary scholars, and also of posterity, as there are still many gaps to be filled in the History of Orissa, particularly in the ancient and mediæval periods.

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THE PUBLISHER

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CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

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Addenda and Corrigenda ix Note on the Temples of Telkupi, Manbhum xv Corrections xviii CHAPTER XXIII The struggle between the Pathans and the Mughals 1-31 CHAPTER XXIV The Mughal Rule in Orissa. 32-65 CHAPTER XXV Orissa Under the Nazims of Bengal 66-89 CHAPTER XXVI The Mughal-Maratha Struggle in Orissa 90-115 CHAPTER XXVII The Maratha Rule in Orissa 116-247 APPENDIX III Sambhuji Gaṇesh Khandekar 248-250 APPENDIX IV The Maratha Conquest of the Sambalpur Tract 251-262 CHAPTER XXVIII The British Conquest and Administration 263-328 APPENDIX V Bengalis and Early British Administration 329-332 CHAPTER XXIX Mediæval Architecture 333-383 CHAPTER XXX Plastic Art 384-420 APPENDIX VI Rajput Origins in Orissa 421-436

List of Illustrations

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1. Map—Indentification of places mentioned in the C. P. Grants — Facing Addenda & Corrigenda
2. R. D. Banerji — Frontispiece
3. The 24 *Tirthankaras* and their Sāsana Devis Bārabhūji Cave, Khandagiri, Puri District — *J. H.* — xii
4. A *Rekha* temple at Telkupi, Manbhum — xvi
5. General view of the Plinth—Sūrya Deul, Konārak, Puri District — *J. H.* — 1
6. Position of one of the Wheels on the Plinth,—Sūrya Deul, Konārak, Puri District — *J. H.* — 8
7. Details of Ornamentation of one of the Wheels of the Plinth—Sūrya Deul, Konārak, Puri District — *J. H.* — 16
8. Toraṇa, Mukteśvara, Bhubaneśvara — 24
9. Details of the *Śikhara* of the Mukteśvara—the great Chaitya-window Panel and Fret-work of Superimposed Chaitya-windows — *J. H.* — 32
10. Details of the Vimāna—View from South—Ananta-Vasudeva—*J.H.* 40
11. Details of Ornamentation on the Vimāna of the Rāja-Rāṇi Temple—Bhubaneśvara, Puri District — *J. H.* — 48
12. Details of Ornamentation of the Plinth—Sūrya Deul, Konārak, Puri District — *J. H.* — 56
13. Door Frame from Udayagiri, Cuttack District — *A. S.* — 64
14. General view of the Lion-Gate with the Aruṇa Stambha from Konārak Temple of Jagannātha at Puri — *J. H.* — 72
15. Chandraśekhara Temple, Door Jamb — *A. S.* — 80
16. Standing Sūrya No. 1—Sūrya Deul, Konārak, Puri District — *J. H.* 88
17. The Colossal Horsemen—Sūrya Deul, Konārak, Puri District — *J.H.* 96
18. Details on Spokes of Wheel, Konārak — *J. H.* — 104
19. Jagamohana of the Sūrya Deul—View from East Konārak, Puri District — *J. H.* — 112
20. *Rekha* temple at Chharrā, near Purulia, Manbhum — 120
21. Ruined *Rekha* temple at Chharrā, near Purulia, Manbhum — 128
22. Stone window of the Great Temple of Mundeśvari, District Arrah — 152 23. Temple of Nilmādhava (seperate front View) Gandharaḍi, Baudh State 160
24. Temple of Kakhāruā Vaidyanāth, Māntri, Mayurbhānj State —A. S. 168
25. Chandraśekhara Temple, Khiching —A. S. 176
26. General view of the Twin Temples on the top of Khandagiri Hill, Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —J. H. 184
27. One of the Chaturvyuha Śiva Temples (Tantrik) 4th Century at Baudh 192
28. Temple of Kaṇḍariā Mahādeo, Khajuraho 200
29. Ornamental Details—Brahmeśvara Temple at Bhuvanesvara, Orissa 208
30. Jagannātha Temple, Bāripada, Mayurbhānj State —A. S. 216
31. The Early Gupta Temple at Nāchnā Cuthārā, Ajaygaḍh State 224
32. Details of the Vimāna of the Liṅgarāja—View from the South —J. H. 232
33. The Great Temple of Mundeśwarī, Front and Side—Bhabua Sub-Division, Dt. Arrah 240
34. Details of the Jagamohana of the Liṅgarāja —J. H. 248
35. Rekha Temple at Khajuraho 256
36. Naṭamandira of the Liṅgarāja—View from North Bhuvanesvara, Puri Dist —J. H. 264
37. Door Jamb of Kuṭāituṇḍī, Khiching —A. S. 272
38. Terracotto works of Rasikarāya Temple, Haripur, Mayurbhānj State 280
39. Rasikarāya Temple, Haripur, Mayurbhānj State 288
40. Details of the Śikhara of the Vimāna of the Liṅgarāja —View from the South —J. H. 296
41. General view of the Temple of Mukteśvara, Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —J. H. 320
42. Bhaskareśvra Temple East, Bhuvanesvara 328
43. Jagamohana of the Liṅgarāja—view from North Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —J. H. 332
44. Front view of the Jagamohana—Rāja-Rāṇī Temple —showing Naga-pillars —J. H. 336
45. Side view of the Dual Temples at Gandharaḍi, Baudh. Mandapas of the Paraśurāmeśvara type oldest in Orissa 340 46. Temple of Paraśurāmeśvara—general view from South—Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —*J. H.*
47. The Vaital Deul—Front and Side veiws of the Gopuram—Bhuvanesvara, Puri District
48. General view of the Main Temple—Sūrya Deul—Konārak, Puri District —*J. H.*
49. Vimāna of the Liṅgarāja—view from the North—Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —*J. H.*
50. Vimāna of the Raja-Rani Temple—Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —*J. H.*
51. General view of the Ananta-Vasudeva—Bhuvanesvara, Puri District —*J. H.*
52. General view of Brahmeśvara, Bhuvanesvara
53. Shrine of Parvati, Liṅgaraja Temple Enclosure, Bhuvanesvara —*J. H.*

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54. Kutaitundi, Khiching —*A. S.*
55. General view of the Vimāna and its three Mandapas—Temple of Jagannatha at Puri —*J. H.*
56. Standing Sūrya No. II—Sūrya Deul, Koṇarak, Puri Dist. —*J. I.*
57. Colossal Buddha in *situ*—Opposite the Palace of the Chief of the Baudh State —*A. D. M.*
58. Padmapāṇi from Kendrapara —*A. S.* Upper Part of Vajrapāṇi
59. Mātṛika Maheśvari, Puri —*A. S.* Mātṛika, Vaishnavi, Puri —*A. S.*
60. Buddha Touching Earth, Udayagiri —*A. S.* Avalokiteśvara from Kendrapara —*A. S.*
61. Maitreya, Nalatigiri Vajrapāṇi from Kendrapara —*A. S.*
62. Colossal Buddha in Varada Mudrā from Cuttack District Colossal Buddha in Abhaya Mudrā from Cuttack District
63. Avalokiteśvara, Chandwar, *ca.*, 11th. Century A. D. —*A. S.* Buddhist Goddess, Chandwar, *ca.*, 11th. Century A. D. —*A. I.*
64. Statue of Goddess, Lalitagiri Manjuśrī, Lalitagiri
65. Vajrāsana Buddha Bhaṭṭāraka from Cuttack District Colossal Buddha, Udayagiri 66. Mātṛkā Indrāṇī, Jajpur —A. S. Mātṛkā Kaumārī, Jajpur —A. S.
67. Avalokiteśvara, Nalatigiri Four-armed Lokeśvara
68. Avalokiteśvara, Ratnagiri —A. S. Vaiśrāvaṇa, Udayagiri —A. S.
69. Gaṇeśa of the Mātṛkā-group, Puri —A. S. Mātṛkā, Vrāmāṇī, Puri —A. S.
70. Mātṛkā Chāmuṇḍā, Puri —A. S. Mātṛkā Chāmuṇḍā, Jajpur
71. Mārichi from Kendrapara —A. S. Tārā from Kendrapara —A. S.
72. Tārā, Ratnagiri —A. S. Bhairava, Ratnagiri
73. Avalokiteśvara, Udayagiri Avolokiteśvara, Udayagiri —A. S.
74. Vajrāsana-Buddha-Bhaṭṭāraka, from Cuttack District Fragment of Image of Bodhisatva Syamantak from Cuttack District
75. Buddha, Khiching, Mayurbhanj ca, 11th century Femal Figure, khiching, Mayurbhanj —A. S Female Figure, Khiching, Mayurbhanj —A. S.
76. Mother and Child, Statuette from Bhuvanesvara —A. S. Statuette from Bhuvanesvara —A. S. Mother and Child from Bhuvanesvara —A. S.
77. Trailokya-Vijaya with twelve hands from Cuttack District. Sītā Tārā from Cuttack District
78. A panel outside the Shrine of the Liṅgarāja Temple, Bhuvanesvara, ca., 1000 A. D. —A. S. Varuṇa in the s. w. w. panel outside the shrine of the Liṅgarāja Temple, Bhuvanesvara, ca, 1000 A. D. —A. S.
79. A panel outside the shrine of the Liṅgarāja Temple, Bhuvanesvara, ca, 1000 A. D. —A. S. Nanda Yaśoda and Krishna, outside the shrine, Liṅgarāja Temple, Bhuvanesvara, ca, 1000 A.D. —A. S.
80. Naga, Khiching Naga, Khiching 81. Umna-Maheśvara, Khiching, Mayurbhanj Bust of Śiva, Khiching, Mayurbhanj — A. D. M.
82. Buddha Touching Earth, Ratnagiri — A. S. Heruka, Ratnagiri
83. Carved Door-frame and two Buddhist Images set in a recently built Temple, Nalatigiri
84. Vireśvara of the Mātṛkā group, Puri — A. S. Mātṛkā Indrāṇī, Puri — A. S. Mātṛkā, Kaumārī, Puri — A. S.
85. Mātṛkā Vārāhī, Jajpur — A. S. Mātṛkā Vārāhī, Puri — A. S.
86. Mother and Child, Khiching, Mayurbhanj Female Figure, Khiching, Mayurbhanj Female Figure, Khiching, Mayurbhanj
87. Mahiṣamardinī at Khiching Śiva at Khiching
88. Gaṇeśa, Khiching, Mayurbhanj Nāga and Nāgī, Khajuraho
89. Dancing Gaṇeśa, Khiching, Mayurbhanj, ca, 11th. Century Gaṇeśa, Khajuraho
90. Rock-cut Image of Rishabha, the First Tirthankara— Lalāteṇḍu Keśarī's Cave—Khandagiri, Puri District
91. Image of Śiva, Great Temple, Khiching
92. Buddha Touching Earth, Lalitagiri Kuvera, Lalitagiri
93. Bronze Mask of Buddha, Chandwar, ca, 11th Century A.D.
94. Nāgīs, Khiching
95. Sūrya an Horse-back—Sūrya Deul, Koṇārak, Puri District

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE : Of monochrome plates which appear in this volume, those that have been reproduced by the kind permission of Archaeological Survey of India, the Archaeological Department of the Mayurbhanj State, and :Messrs. Johnston and Hoffmann of Calcutta, have the abbreviations of A. S., A. D. M. and J. H. respectively.

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A rekha temple at Telkupi, Manbhum

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General View of the Plinth—Surya Deul Konarak—Puri District

Addenda and Corrigenda

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In order that the reader may be posted up to date with regard to the subject matter of the various chapters, the Publisher begs to append the following notes, on the various chapters indicated, made in the light of the latest publications. A note on certain Manbhum temples by Mr. Nirmal Kumar Bose is also subjoined to show their affinity to Orissan architecture.

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A list of corrections is attached on to the end of these notes.

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Chapter IX. The author noticed an indifferent photograph of Hindol plate of Subhākaradeva of the Kara family. This plate has, of late, been edited.¹ Subhākaradeva of this plate was the son of Tribhuvana-mahādevī, born of Nāga dynasty, who has been identified with the personage of the same name of Dhenkanal Plate, the scribe (Harivarddhana) of which is identical with that of Chaurasi Grant of Śivakaradeva, whose father and grand-father have been taken for Subhākaradeva and Śivakaradeva respectively of the Neurpur Grant. Apparently the rulers of the Kara family are put in the following chronological order

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¹ J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 69-83

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Paramopāsaka Kṣemankara alias Nṛgatapha

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Paramatathāgata Śivakara I (Queen Jayāvalidevī)

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Parama-Saugata Subhakara I alias Lolahāra (Queen Mādhavidevī)

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Śivakara I alias Kusumahāra Śantikara alias Lalitahāra (Queen Tribhubana-Mahādevī)

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Subhakara II Daṇḍimahādevī (daughter)

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It is suggested that the queen, who ascended the throne after the death of Subhakara as mentioned in the plate of Daṇḍimahādevī, was Tribhuvana-Mahādevī. Śantikara, the son of Lalitahāra of Daṇḍimahādevī's plate has been omitted from the above table, because it is not probable that the immediate successor of Lalitahāra alias Śāntikara assumed the *Viruda* Śāntikara. Probably Śāntikara was the successor of Śubhākara, but not vice versa, as recorded in Daṇḍimahādevī's plate.

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Guheśvarapāṭaka, the place of issue of the grants of the Kara family has been identified with Godhaneśvara-patna, a part of Jajpur town, because the scribe of the Chaurasi grant was a resident of Virajā-kṣetra.

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The village Noḍḍilo granted by the Hindol plate to Vaidyanātha-Bhaṭṭāraka has been identified with Nandel in the Hindol state and the village Saloaṇpura of the Neurpur grant has been taken for Solaṇapura lying on the north bank of the Vaitarani. The northern limit of Tosala has, therefore, been stretched beyond the Vaitarani while the author suggested that the Mahanadi formed the northern boundary line of Tosala.

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Dharakota plate of Śubhākaradeva has been edited by Mr. S. Rajaguru in J. A. H. R. S. Vol IV pp. 189-194. This plate has not been correctly deciphered because of mutilation of the letters. It appears that the text of this plate is a replica of that of the Hindol plate. The village granted by this plate was situated in the Kongadamaṇḍala. Evidently Kongada was included in the Kara territory before Daṇḍimahādevī's reign.

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Chapter XII. The plate of Neṭṭabhañja, noticed by the author, has been published recently.* Angula, the place of issue of this plate, has been identified with Anugula, the English pronunciation of which is now Angul. The unspecified year, contained in this plate has been read as 98 and at the same time it has been assumed that all the unspecified years, the numerals of which are represented in symbols, of the copper plates of Orissa belonged to Harsa era, because Śīlāditya-Harṣavarddhana's supremacy over Orissa is proved by "The life of Heuen Tsiang" by Samuel Beal. To corroborate this assumption Rājamalla, the father of Tribhuvana Mahādevī of the Dhenkanal plate has been identified with Pallavamalla alias Kshatriyemalla, for the Pallavas are supposed to have belonged to Naga race while according to Hindol plate Tribhuvana-Mahādevī's father came of a Naga family. Apparently the year 98 of Neṭṭabhañja's plate corresponds to 704 A. D. Similarly the plates of Tribhuvana-Mahādevī, Śubhākaradeva II and Daṇḍimahādevī are assigned to the 8th century A. D.

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∗ J. B. O. S., Vol. XVII, pp. 104-118.

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The reading of the year of the Chaurasi grant has been corrected as 93 which corresponds to 699 A. D.

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Chapter XIII Kodālaka, whence the plates of the Śulki Rulers were issued, is now identifiable with Koālu on the north bank of the Brahmani in the Dhenkanal state. Other places mentioned in those plates, are also localised in the neighbourhood of Koālu. Śulki Rulers are represented in their grants as lords of the Gond people. Hence the states of Dhenkanal, Talcher, Bonai, Bamara and Gangpur, where the Gond people now predominate, are supposed to have formed the territory of the Śulki Rulers.

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On the supposition that the Rulers, having the same text of eulogy in different plates, are one and the same person, the following chronology of the Śulki Rulers has been suggested.*

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Kañchanastambha alias Ranastambha I

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Kaṇadastambha alias Kulastambha I alias Vikramāditya

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Raṇastambha II

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Kulastambha II Jayastambha Nidayastambha

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The villages granted by the Rulers of the Nanda family are localised in the tracts lying to the south of the Brahmani†. Apparently the states of Khandpara, Narasinghpur, Baramba and Hindol are supposed to have formed the territory of the Nanda Rulers.

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† *Ibid.*, pp. 290-91

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Chapter XIV. An important copper plate inscription of Uddyotakesari Mahābhavagupta has, very recently, been edited by Pandit Binayak Misra in J. B. O. R. S. Vol. XVII pp. 1-24. This plate was discovered at Balijhari in the Narasinghpur state. It records the gift of two villages Kontalaṇḍā and Lovākaradā in the Airāvaṭṭamaṇḍala of the Oṛḍi country to Śankar Śarmā and Balabhadra Śarmā, who were uterine brothers and immigrants from Palāsa in Tirabhukti. They belonged to Gārga Gotra and were students of Ṛgveda. Kontalaṇḍā, Lovākaradā and Airāvaṭṭa are identified with Kantilo, Māradā and Raṭāgarh respectively situated on the southern bank of the Mahanadi.

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The author was not inclined to accept Uddyotakesari of Brahmeshwar Inscription as a descendant of Janamejaya of the Gupta family, for there was some discrepancy in the genealogy found in the published text of Brahmeshwar inscription. Now this discrepancy has been removed in the light of the text of the newly discovered plate. It has been suggested by the editor of this plate that Bhīmaratha and Dharmaratha should be read instead of Dīrgharava and Dharmapara respectively occurring in the Brahmeshwar inscription. Apparently we get the following pedigree of the Somavamśī Kings of Orissa after conciliating the two inscriptions of Uddyotakesarī.

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∗ *Modern Review*, September, 1931, pp. 288-290

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The scribe of the Narasinghpur plate is Rudradatta who is taken as the same Rudradatta of the Marañjamurā charter of Yayāti. Evidently this Yayāti was the father of Uddyotakesarī.

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We get from the Brahmeshwar inscription that Janameya killed the king of Orissa. It is recorded in the Narasinghpur plate that Dharmaratha was succeeded by his brother Naghuṣa, the ruler of the eastern country. Evidently Gupta rulers had supremacy over eastern Orissa.

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On the supposition that the Gupta rule was overthrown by Chodagangadeva in the end of the 11th century A. D., Janameya is placed in the 1st decade of the 10th century A. D. Again Karṇyakesari of Rāmapālacharita is supposed to be the descendant of Uddyotakesarī.

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The Ratnagiri plate, edited by Mr. Narayan Tripathy B. A. (J. B. O

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R. S. Vol. XVI), is incomplete. This appears to be one of a set of plates belonging probably to Uddyotakesarī, for the text of this plate is a replica of that of Narasinghpur charter mentioned above.

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Chapter XV. The following plates of early Ganga Rulers recently discovered are not noticed in the 1st volume of this work.

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Santabommali plates of Indravarman has been edited by Rajah Bahadur Sri Lakshminarayan Harichandan Jagadeva in J. A. H. R. S. (Vol. IV pp. 21-24). This plate, recording the grant of the village Haribhaṭṭa in Kroṣṭukavarttani to Rameśvarabhaṭṭaraka, was issued from Kalinganagara. It was written by Vinayachandra son of Bhānuchandra. No date is mentioned. The donor was Indravarman alias Rājasiṃha.

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Chidivalasa Grant of Devendravarman son of Bhupendravarman of the year 397 of the Ganga era has been edited by Mr. R. Subba Rao in J A. H. R. S. (Vol. II, pp. 146-153). By this plate Sividi in Kandalivāda was granted to Ādityabhaṭṭa, Yayubhaṭṭa and Sendidevabhaṭṭa of Bharadvaja Gotra. It was written by Muḍhapa and Savvadapa under the supervision of Bhaṭṭa Sridhara and Bhaṭṭa-Yajña.

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Jirjangi plate of Rājendravarman of the year 309 of the Ganga era, edited by Mr. R. Subba Rao (J. A. H. R. S. Vol. III, pp. 49-53), was issued from Dantapura, which is often mentioned in the Pali Literature as the capital of Kalinga. The object of this plate was to record the gift of the village Jijjika in Vonkāra. The donee was Agniswami son of Rudraswami belonging to Viṣṇuvṛddha Gotra and Taittiriya branch. It was engraved by Devasinghadeva.

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Santha Bomvali copper-plate grant of Śrī-Manandavanman (probably Srīman-Indravarman) of the year 221 of the Ganga era, edited by Mr. S. Rajaguru (J. A. H. R. S. Vol. II, pp. 188-189) records the gift of Chikhalika in Fareyabhukti. The donees were Ādityaśarmā Matṛsarma and Duggaśarma of Kauṇḍilya Gotra.

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A copper-plate grant of Madhukarnava has been noticed in the Madras Epigraphic Report of the year 1919. It contains the year 526 of the Ganga era. Madhukarnava was the father of Vajrahasta V, the father of Rajaraja. This Vajrahasta ascended the throne in Saka 960 or A. D. 1038. His immediate predecessor Madhukarnava ruled for 19 years. Apparently the Ganga era commenced either in the last quarter of the 5th century A. D. or in the 1st decade of the 6th century A. D. This newly discovered plate would no doubt set at rest all controversies as to the initial year of the Ganga era.

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Chapter XXX, page 394. Mr. P. Acharya has sent us the following note : The Navamuni cave and the Barabhuji cave (twelve-handed, the name of the cave is due perhaps to the presence of the 12-handed goddess Durga cut in relief there) of Khandagiri contain the images of the Jain Tirthankaras in a row on the back wall and below the Tirthankaras there are the images of the Sapta Matrika group including Ganesa and Virabhadra according to Matsya Purana. This Matrika group has been wrongly identified as Sasana-devis or consorts of Tirthankaras in the District Gazetteer of Puri, (Calcutta 1908, by L. S. S. O' Malley pp. 261-62). Two group of images of the caves seem to belong to the same period and therefore it is difficult to explain the purpose of placing the icons of two antagonistic faiths of religion in a common place of worship.

Note on the Temples of Telkupi, Manbhum

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The village of Telkupi is situated on the right bank of the Damodar in the district of Manbhum (23°39′N-86°38′E). There are about a dozen temples of the *rekha* (*nāgara*) type in this place, but they present certain points of difference from the Orissan type, It is however not possible to say how far the style of this place was directly borrowed from Orissa. From certain structural details it rather appears that both Telkupi and Orissa borrowed from a common source and then each gave a distinctive turn to the form of the temple. The intimacy between Telkupi and Orissa probably increased at a later stage in history. The two temples at Bhairab-thān in Telkupi, which are of a comparatively recent date, present more points of resemblance with the later temples of Orissa than those of earlier age.

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The *bāṛa* of one of the temples at Bhairab-thān is composed of five elements, *viz.* *pābhāga*, *tāla jāngha*, *bāndhanā*, *upar jāngha* and *baranda*. It is a rule in the case of the later temples of Orissa that erotic couples should be placed in niches in the *upar jāngha* and *virāla* figures in corresponding places of the *tāla jāngha*. In the case of the above temple at Bhairab-thān, the order of the *virāla* and erotic figures has been reversed and both sets accommodated in the *tāla jāngha*, leaving the *upar jāngha* bare. This was probably due to the artist's lack of familiarity with the rules current in Orissa. This absence of *virāla* figures and of the five-fold construction of the *bāṛa* in the rest of the temples of Telkupi definitely prove the above two traits to be exotic in their origin. These features, as well as the presence of a flying lion (*jhappā singha*), in the style of Orissa, on the *jagamohan* at Bhairab-thān definitely connect the later history of this locality with that of Orissa.

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Further proof of such connection is also furnished by the nature of a certain religious ceremony observed in this particular area. The village of Telkupi lies in the zemindary of the Raja of Panchakote, who lives in the village of Kashipur near Adra. On the first day of the Bengali year (1st of Vaisakha), a ceremony is performed in the middle of the river-bed at Telkupi. Two umbrellas, made of bamboo, are adorned with garlands of *keṣ* flowers and carried in procession with music to the river-bed. There they are set up in the sand with due ceremonies, when goats are sacrificed and cakes (*piṭhā*) are offered. One of the umbrellas is dedicated on behalf of the "rajah of Kashipur," and the other in the name of the "gajapati sing of Puri." This was reported to the present writer, about two years ago, by an old man named Rakhal Bhandari (aged about 60) of Telkupi, who is himself a priest connected with local ceremonies. It is said that soon after the umbrellas have been posted in the ground, there arises a storm which sweeps away the umbrellas, garlands and everything which is placed there. This is supposed to signify the formal acceptance of the gifts by the deity worshipped.

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A particular ceremony and certain details of architecture and sculpture thus offer proofs of a more intimate

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R. D. BANERJI

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FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE BRITISH PERIOD Vol. 2

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By R. D. BANERJI, M. A. Manindra Chandra Nundy Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture, and Fellow, Benares Hindu University, formerly Fellow of the Bombay University.

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Vol. II With one map and ninety-five plates

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R. CHATTERJEE CALCUTTA

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Printed and Published by M. C. Das, at the PRABASI PRESS 120-2, Upper Circular Road, Calcutta.

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE TO THE SECOND VOLUME

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THE PUBLISHER

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connection between the Damodar valley at Manbhum with Orissa than what is to be found at present.

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It may not be uninteresting to point out in this connection that on the door of a temple at Boṛeā in the district of Ranchi (6 miles N. of Ranchi) is carved the figure of a mythical animal, which is called *nabagunjara* in Orissa. Its body is composed of the limbs of nine animals. viz. the elephant. bull, snake, peacock etc. In the Oriya Mahabharata of Sarala Das (16th cent.), it is said that Krishna once appeared to Arjuna in that form. The figure of the *nabagunjara* is not to be found anywhere outside Orissa. It is of such a complex nature that we cannot think of its having been invented independently by the artist of Boṛeā. It is therefore probable that some artist familiar with recent mythological figures of Orissa must have carved it upon the wooden door of the Boṛeā temple. This does not lead us far, still the fact deserves to be mentioned in connection with the present question.

Corrections

v2.c36.1

VOLUME I.

v2.c36.2

| Page | Line | For | Read |
| 3 | 6 | " Barabalang | " Budhabalanga |
| 15 | 31 | " Susāris | " Suāras |
| 18 | 14-15 | " Gauṛās | " Gauḍas |
| 18 | 20 | " Kāndras | " Kanḍarās |
| 24 | 14 & 31 | " Gauṛās | " Gauḍas |
| 25 | 18 | " Kindras | " Kanḍarās |
| 25 | plate | " at Mayurbhanj | " at Baidyapur, Mayurbhanj |
| 26 | 8 | " Gauḍās | " Gauḍas |
| 29 | plate | " in Orissa | " at Baidyapur, Mayurbhanj |
| 32 | do | " do | " do |
| 33 | 15 | " of | " of |
| 34 | 16 & 26 | " Bangidiposi | " Bāngiriposi |
| 37 | 15 | " age | " edge |
| 71 | 5 | " In | " It |
| 105 | 31 | " mcnoliths | " monoliths |
| 109 | 15 | " are not | " are |
| 115 | 21 | " Karond | " Kalahandi |
| 118 | 13 | " Sambuyayya | " Sambhuyayye-nu |
| 129 | 12 | " Malavā | " Malava |
| 152 | | " Kosala | " Tosala |
| 155 | Foot note 3 | " Society | " Society, Vol. V. |
| 172 | 24 | " Kendajhari | " Kendujhari |
| 174 | Foot note 1 | " Epi. Ind. | " Ibid. |
| 176 | 5 | " 1837 | " 1887 |
| 178 | Foot note | " Vol. III. | " Vol. VI. |
| 179 | 15 | " Daspalla State | " Bamanghati Sub-Division |
| 179 | Foot note | " Ibid. | " Epi. Ind., Vol. XVIII. |
| 184 | " | " | " |
| 202 | 5 | " Parama-sangata | " Parama-saugata |
| 208 | Foot note 1 | " 1903 | " 1905 |
| 287 | 7 | " Jaimangar | " Jajnagar |
| 317 | 4 | " Kanji-Kaveri-pothi, | " Kanchi-Kaveri-pothi |
| 335 | 2 | " Inscription was | " was |
| 336 | 13 | " Amratirtha | " Ekāmra-tirtha |
| 348 | 6 | " 1578 | " 1568. |

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VOLUME II.

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| Page. | Line | For | Read |
| 25,28,33 | Foot-note | *Asiatick* | *Asiatic* |
| 26 | Foot-note | *Gazeteer* | *Gazetteer* |
| 35 | 27 | „ Kabul | „ Kabul 5 |
| 38 | 19 | „ Kudla | „ Kodala Athagada |
| 40 | 13 | „ 1666 | „ 1656 |
| 43 | Foot-note | „ *Vol XII* | „ *Vol XV.* |
| 46 | 12,28 | „ 1660 | „ 1661 |
| 47 | 10 | „ Kuyila | „ Koili |
| 47 | 11 | „ Kulrah | „ Kodala Athagada |
| 55 | Foot-note 2 | *Asiatick* | *Asiatic* |
| 60 | 9 | „ Harachandra | „ Harichandana |
| 74,87,146 | Foot-note | „ *Asiatick* | „ *Asiatic* |
| 114 | 14 | „ veerything | „ everything |
| 157 | 17 | „ Kullu | „ Kantilo |
| 175 | 21 | „ Wakil | „ Vakil |
| 203 | Foot-note | „ *Delation* | „ *Relation* |
| 204 | 18 | „ December | „ December 1814 |
| 208 | 25 | „ Chaira | „ Chiara |
| 208 | 30 | „ Bheraje | „ Paharāja |
| 212 | 16 | „ Tappore | „ Patpore |
| 212 | 17 | „ Ghota | „ Khunta (Coota) |
| 213 | 16 | „ Coontau | „ Khunta (Coontah) |
| 214 | 2 | „ do | „ do |
| 219 | 11 | „ Rain | „ Rohini |
| 223 | 3 | „ Gillah Rattah | „ Gilakantia (Gillahkatiah) |
| 227 | 7,29 | „ Kelar & Kalar | „ Khelor or Khalad |
| 229 | 15 | „ Jhumrapal | „ Jamirapal |
| 229 | 16 | „ Dip Kiarchand | „ Dipakiarchand |
| 230 | 28 | „ Karnakar, Wakil | Karunakar, the Vakil |
| 271 | 16 | „ sixth | „ first |
| 271 | 16 | „ Treaty, etc. | „ Treaty, etc., of 1892 |
| 271 | ... | ... | „ 23, Narsingpur |

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| Page | Line | For | Read |
| 272 | 14 | " Barabati fort | " Barabati fort and Midnapore |
| 273 | 18 | " assistthe | " assist the |
| 274 | 19 | " Bowney's | " Bowrey's |
| 274 | 29 | " Angul | " Keonjhar |
| 276 | 4 | " Krishnachandra | " Sri Ramachandra |
| 277 | 5 | " Collector | " Commissioner |
| 290 | Foot-note 4 | " Appendix III | " Appendix |
| " | do | " chapter. | " volume. |
| 291 | 15,16 | " Chhatisgarh Division of the Central Provinces | " South-West Frontier Agency of Bengal |
| 292 | 16 | " Utihar | " Utikan |
| 299 | 32 | " Bangirimusi | " Bangiriposi |
| 301 | 23 | " Tetaposa | " Tentaposi |
| 302 | 24 | " Bhanja State | " State. |
| 306 | 26 | " of ficiating | " officiating |
| 307 | 18 | " 1868 | " 1863 |
| 317 | 29 | " entered into | " entered into with the Raja of Keonjhar |
| 371 | 2 | " is | " It is |
| 385 | 15-16 | omit serves only as a quarry for railways and | |
| 387 | 19 | " Ratnagiri and | " Ratnagiri of |
| 407 | 28 | " Vaitla Deul | " Vaital Deul |
| 302 | 24 | " Bhanja Staie | " State |

Chapter XXIII. The Struggle Between the Pathans and the Mughals

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The struggle between the Afghans and the Mughals was prolonged from 1576, the date of the death of Dāūd Shāh Kararānī at the battle of Rajmahal, to the final return of Rāja Mān Singh from the north-eastern *Ṣubāhs* in 1606. The first separate *Ṣubāhdār* for Orissa was not appointed till 1607 in the reign of the Emperor Nūruddīn Jahāngīr. All accounts ascribe the Musalman conquest of Orissa to Sulāimān Kararānī.¹ As the Mughal army arrived on the borders of Orissa only eight years after the fall of the last of the real *Gajapatis*, the Afghans had no time to consolidate themselves in Orissa. After the battle of Rajmahal they practically became the hunted and the Mughals the hunters, though the general apathy and neglect of the Mughal officers permitted them to linger on in Orissa and south-eastern Bengal till the end of Akbar's reign. Mughal rule in Orissa can hardly be said to have begun during the life time of Akbar. From 1576 till the death of the great Emperor in 1605, nearly thirty years were spent by Mughal officers of Bengal in trying to stamp out the rebellious spirit of the Afghans in that province and in Orissa. In the course of Mun'im Khān Khān-i-Khānān's war with the Afghans of Bengal we hear first of all that Khān Jahān Lodī governed Orissa for Dāūd.¹ During the period of internal dissensions between the Mughal officers in Bengal, Dāūd tried to regain his independence and the Khān-i-Khānān was compelled to march to Chittua in the Medinipur district as Dāūd had arrived at Haripur. The Mughal army entered Orissa by another route and foiled Dāūd’s attempts to block the road by entrenchment. Dāūd was defeated in the ensuing engagement at Tukaroi on the 3rd March 1575.² The name of the battle-field is given as Bajhorah, Bachhorah, Bashorh or Bachhorh in the *Tabaqāt-i-Akbarī* and *Mantkhab-ut-Tawārīkh*. In the *Akbarnāmā* and *Ma’aṣir-ul-‘Umarā* it is called Takarohi or Takaroi. Blochmann identified it correctly with Moghulmari on the road from Medinipur to Jalesar. Tukaroi (spelt Tookaroe) lies two miles from Moghulmari on the south bank of the Suvarṇarekhā (*’Aīn*, Eng. trans. Vol. I. pp. 375-76). Rājā Toḍar Mall and Shāham Khān were sent in pursuit of Dāūd. That unfortunate monarch was joined by Jahān Khān and taken to Katak. Dāūd sent Fattū, Shaikh Niẓām and other officers to treat. The Khān-i-Khānān sent Hāshim Khān and Quṭluq Qadam Khān to settle the terms of peace. The summary of the terms of peace were that Dāūd should come and accept service under the Mughals after sending his best elephants and other presents. After serving for some time he was to appear in Court. For the time being one of his relatives was to act as his representative. Dāūd appeared before Mun’im Khān on the 12th April 1575, presented some good elephants and handed over his nephew Shaikh Muḥammad the son of Bāyazid as hostage.¹

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¹ *Dorn's History of the Afghans, London 1829, p. 181; Akbarnāmā, Eng. Trans. pp. 933-34.*

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¹ *Ibid.*, p. 173.

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² *Ibid.*, *vo*, 175-80.

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¹ Ibid., pp. 183-85.

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The next step was the decisive battle of Rajmahal on the 12th July 1576 when Khān-i-Jahān and Rāja Toḍar Mall defeated the Afghans, captured Dāūd and sent his head to Akbar. The Afghans were now divided in opinion and without a crowned head of their own race to guide them. They fought under many leaders and some of them rebelled repeatedly even after taking service under the Mughals. The aversion of the Mughal officers to the province of Bengal helped the Afghans, but Mughal officers had to continue to serve in spite of repeated representations to Court for transfer elsewhere. What Abul Fazl terms "the rebellion of Bengal officers" was really another Afghan war during the reign of Akbar. This rebellion took place in 1580 and the account given in the Akbarnāmā shows that Bengal was being occupied by the Mughals from a number of strong outposts, but there was practically no government. So we hear that "The ringleaders of the Bengal rebellion were Bābā Khān Jabbarī and Wazīr Jāmīl, but S'aid Toqbāi M. Ḥājī Lang, Arab' Bakhshī, Ṣāleḥ, Mīrākī Khān, Murtaẓā Qūlī Turkmān and Farrakh Irghālīq nourished the flame. Qiyā Khān in Orissa, Murād Khān in Fatḥābād and Shāh Bardī in Sonārgāon, spoke about conquering but had not the grace of doing good service."² The language of the Court historiographer of Akbar rendered into plain English means that when the Afghan officers rose in rebellion against the Mughals, Qiyā Khān and other Mughal officers did not make any serious attempt to quell it, but remained practically besieged in their strongholds. Muẓaffar Khān, the Ṣubāḥdār of Bengal, after the death of Khān-i-Jahān, removed Khāldin Khān from the fief of Jaleswar and assigned it to Mīr Jamāluddīn Ḥussain Ānju, which gave great offence. The Ṭabaqāt-i-Akbarī says that Khāldin was scourged while the Iqbālnāma-i-Jahāngīrī says that Khāldin was insulted and ill-treated by Mīrzā Nijāt, a son-in-law of Muẓaffar.¹ Subsequently, after the death of Muẓaffar Khān, Khān-i-'Aẓam Kokaltāsh Khān was sent to Bengal.² The siege of Patna and connected events have only a distant connection with the history of Orissa. During this rebellion Qiyā Khān was poisoned and Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī marched against Mīrzā Nijāt Khān at Sātgāon, who had to fly to the Portuguese, Tavares, who was formerly in Mughal service. Qaṭlū advanced into the heart of western Bengal and defeated the force under Hamzabān, sent by Bābāi Qāqshal to the relief of Nijāt Khān, at Mangalkot in the northern part of the Burdwan district.³ When Khān-i-'Aẓam joined the army near Patna many of the rebels left Bihar. In the 28th year of the reign of Akbar (1583) Khān i-'Aẓam advanced towards Bengal. At this time Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī was prominent in Orissa and had also occupied a portion of Bengal. Ma'sūm Khān Kābulī entered into a league with Qaṭlū to defend Afghan dominions against the fresh advance of the Mughals.⁴ Another important man on the Afghan side connected with this campaign was Kālāpāhāḍ, alias Kālidās Gajadānī—according to Mr. H. E. Stapleton—who was the reputed conquerer of Orissa. Ma'sum Khān appointed him to command the flotilla in the battle of Garhi.¹ The Afghans submitted to Khān-i-'Aẓam and joined the Mughals against Ma'sum Khān. Then Shāhbāz Khan was sent to Bengal, as Khān-i-'Aẓam openly declined to stay any longer in that country. The Mughal army now proceeded against Qaṭlū.² Qaṭlū Khān was defeated and Ma'sūm Khān and his confederates fled. Qaṭlū now sent envoys to treat and Orissa was promised to him if he submitted and accepted service.

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² Ibid., p. 429.

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¹ Ibid., p. 430 and Note 1.

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² Ibid., p. 454.

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³ Ibid., pp. 469-70.

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⁴ Ibid., p. 590.

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¹ Ibid., p. 592.

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² Ibid. p. 594.

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Abu'l Fazl openly states that as Khān-i-'Aẓam's heart was set on returning from Bengal immediately, he left the negotiations to Wazīr Khān and left for Hajipur near Patna, his own Jāgir. As soon as Khān-i-'Aẓam had left, Qaṭlū Khān proposed impossible conditions, which the Mughals could not accept. The Mughals were unprepared for battle, and though they drew up their forces at Sherpur Atai in the Murshidabad district, they were compelled to add Madaran (Jahanabad sub-division of the Hooghly district), Medinipur and other places in Orissa, to be left in possession of Qaṭlū Khān. Qaṭlū was still playing with the Mughal officers. At first he agreed to send his nephew as a hostage but later on failed to meet Ṣādiq Khān who had gone to meet him. It was some time before the Mughal officers woke up to the fact that Qaṭlū Khān Lohānī was gaining time by those stratagems. So from Burdwan they crossed the river Dāmodar and found Qaṭlū firmly planted in the modern districts of Howrah and Medinipur.¹ Shāhbāz Khān now wrote to his officers from Tāṇḍā stating that, as Qaṭlū was not strong enough to face the imperialists in the field, some of them had better join the army which was opposing Mā’sūm Khān on the Jamnā (the old Jamna near Gobardanga and other places in the 24 parganas). Accordingly Wazīr Khān and a number of officers remained in Orissa and Ṣādiq Khān with others came to Bengal.² Mā’sūm Khān was again defeated in the battle of the Jamunā by Shāhbāz Khān (15th November 1583) and the Mughals finally reached Ghoraghat. While Shāhbāz Khān pursued Ma’sūm Khān into Mymensingh, one Jabbarī escaped from Coochbihar to Ghoraghat. As the country between Ghoraghat and Medinipur was empty of Mughal troops he succeeded in occupying Tajpur, Purneah and Tāṇḍā, thus dividing the Mughals into two parts.³ Wazīr Khān, who had been left in charge of the army in Orissa, remained at Burdwan and it was only when Ṣādiq Khān arrived that Qaṭlū, tired of waiting, broke camp and retired to Orissa. The Mughals pursued him and caught him up at Tukaroi, the scene of Dāūd’s discomfiture nine years earlier. In desperation Qaṭlū took refuge in the forest of Dharmpur. The Mughal officers began to treat with him and Qaṭlū presented sixty elephants and sent his nephew. The hostage and the envoys arrived at Court on the 11th June, 1584. Orissa was left entirely to the Afghans and Ṣādiq Khān was sent to Patna and Wazīr Khān to Tāṇḍā.⁴

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¹ Ibid., pp. 600-2

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² Ibid., p. 625

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³ Ibid., p. 625

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⁴ Ibid., pp. 653-54

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Within a short time Shāhbāz Khān also became tired of Bengal and strenuously attempted to return to Court. Akbar sent Sazāwāls to make him return to his province, where Ma’sūm Khān Kābulī and ’Isā Khān of Sonārgāon had joined hands. Both of them submitted and though many Afghans left Qatlū Khān he was left quietly in possession of Orissa. The Akbarnāmā at this stage describes a Mughal campaign in a country called Kokra, which is described as being situated between Orissa and the Deccan and which Beveridge proposes to identify with Chhota Nagpur, which is clearly inadmissible.¹

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¹ Ibid., pp. 721-22

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The next campaign in Orissa was undertaken by the Kachhwaha Rājā Mān Singh of Ambar. After settling Bihar, Mān Singh invited Sa’id Khan, the Subahdar of Bengal, to join him in an invasion in Orissa, which the latter refused. Mān Singh, with Pāhār Khān, Rāi Pātradās and others from Bengal, reached Jahānābād via Burdwan. Qatlū Khān prepared for battle and arrived within fifty miles of the Mughal camp. Bahādur Kurūh was sent with a large force to Raipur in the Bankura district and Mān Singh sent his own son Jagat Singh to meet him. The drunkard Jagat Singh was caught napping and his army annihilated. The discomfitted Mughals wanted to retire to Salimābād but were prevented by Mān Singh. At this stage Qatlū Khān died suddenly and the Afghans were disheartened. Khwājah ’Isā placed Qatlū’s young son on Masnad and sent envoys to treat. It was decided that “the khuṭba and coinage should be in the name of Shāhinshāh and the Afghans would be obedient and serviceable. Also that Jagannātha, which is a famous temple, and its environs should be made crown-land, and that no harm should happen to the loyal zamindars... ... ... On 4 Shahriyar Khwājah 'Isā brought Qatlū's son to the Rājah and presented 150 elephants and other choice articles. Mān Singh encouraged him and returned to Bihar."¹

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¹ Ibid., pp. 878-80.

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Afghan opposition in Orissa did not come to an end with the death of the brave Qatlū Khan Lohānī. It continued for some years after the peace of 1590. The peace was maintained by the Afghans so long as Khwājah 'Isā was alive. Immediately after his death, they captured and desecrated the temple of Jagannātha and attacked Hamīr Singh of Vishnupur. Mān Singh joined the armies of Bihar and Bengal and started by the water route (? sea) while many others advanced by way of Jhārkhaṇḍ under Yūsuf Khān Chakk, the former king of Kashmīr. Sa'id Khan of Bengal joined Mān Singh later on. The Afghans tried to treat and the Bengal officers were inclined to listen to them. The former entrenched their position and as the Bengal officers could not agree with Mān Singh, they sat down at a distance. The engagement took place at Mālnāpur, which, according to Beames, is on the Suvarṇarekhā, now in the Balasore district. The Afghans came out of their entrenchment and engaged the Mughals. More than three hundred of them fell and they had to retire. The entire Afghan nobility seems to have gathered to oppose the advance of the Mughals, as the Akbarnāmā mentions Nāṣim Khān and Jamāl Khān, the sons of Qatlū, Jalāl Khān Khāṣākhel, Bahādur Kurūh and 'Uṣmān.² After this unexpected victory the Mughals arrived at Jaleśvar and struck coins in the name of the Emperor Akbar. Sa'id Khan of Bengal retired with his forces. The landowners of northern Orissa began to submit and in the town of Bhadrak news was received that the sons of Qatlū and other leaders had taken refuge in the fort of Katak. This fort is not Barabati of the Mughal period but Sarangarh, about four or five miles south of Katak. It is at this stage that we are introduced to Rāmachandra for the second time, who is mentioned as Rām Cand, the founder of the house of Khurda by Abu'l Fazl. We are informed that Sarangarh belonged to Rām Cand, who was one of the great land-holders of the country. Mān Singh entered Katak and captured Sarangarh, compelling the Afghans to take refuge in the forests near the sea. Alāwā Khān, the Khāṣkhel of Qatlū Khān, surrendered the strong fort of Al to the Mughals and Rām Cand gave shelter to those who had taken protection in Sarangarh fort. Mān Singh won over Rāmchandra, who sent his son Birbal with presents. Another Oṛiyā chief, called the Ṭilā Rājāh, surrendered to the Mughals at Kalkalghaṭi. Mān Singh left Yūsuf Khān Chakk, the Kashmīrī, in charge of Katak and went on a pilgrimage to Puri. In the meanwhile Fath Khān of Hijli and Ḥabī Khān, Daryā Khān, Sujāwal Khān, and Mewā Khān attacked Jaleśvar and compelled Bābuī Manklī, the renegade Afghan of Bengal, to evacuate that city. Mān Singh sent Pāhār Khān and others against Fath Khān and Jaleśvar was re-occupied. The Afghans now surrendered and waited upon Mān Singh.¹

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² Ibid., pp. 934-36.

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¹ Ibid., pp. 940-41.

v2.c37.28

The final conquest of Orissa by the Mughals under Mān Singh inaugurated a new era in the political history of the country by the establishment of a new dynasty of Hindu Kings in that country under the suzerainty of the Mughal emperors. Rāmāi Rāotrā or Rāmachandra Deva succeeded in persuading or bribing the Mughal general into nominating him as the Gajapati under peculiar circumstances. The origin of the new Hindu King is obscure. According to one account he was the son of Dānāi Vidyādhara, the minister of some of the kings of the Bhoi dynasty. He is said to have come from the south and seized the western part of the Puri district and fixed its capital at Khurda. His reign is calculated from 1568-69 or the year after the death of Mukunda Harichandana.¹ According to another account Rāmachandra was related to the Bhoi kings and for this reason he became the Superintendent of the temple² (parikshā). Stirling’s account, which is the earlier, states: “The Uria historians go on to relate that at the expiration of twenty-one years of anarchy and inter-regnum, the ministers and the principal men of the country beginning to recover from their depression and alarm, assembled together to consult about the affairs of the nation, and chose as their chief a person named Ranai (Rāmāi) Raotra, son of the before mentioned Danaye Bidyadhar, whom they raised to the rank and dignity of Maha Rajah of Orissa, A. D., 1580, under the title of Ramchander Deo. With him begins the third and titular race of Sovereigns called the Bhoi Vamsa, or Zemindari race.”³ So, what was represented to Sterling in 1825 as the election of a king by the people of Orissa after twenty-one years of anarchy, became in 1908 a direct succession to the throne for Rāmachandra Deva after the death of Mukunda Harichandana in 1568, in the hands of unscrupulous Oṛiyā compilers. The compiler of the gazetteer states in a special foot-note that "This account of the dynasty has been compiled from the palm-leaf chronicles, checked and supplemented by the information in Muham-madan and other histories."¹ The next sentence in Stirling's account casts the gloom of inconsistency over his narrative of the accession of Rāmchandra, because we are informed that this election was confirmed by "Sewai Jye Sinh, the general of the Emperor Akbar, who came into the province about the time, with his army, to look after the imperial interest." Neither the *Āin-i-Akbarī* nor the *Akbarnāmā* mention any Mughal general of that name, who came to Orissa during the reign of Akbar, nor do they mention any Jai Singh among the *Manṣabdārs* of Akbar's court. Jai Singh I, Mīrzā Rājah, was a general of Shāh Jahān I and Aurangzīb 'Alamgīr; Sawāī Jai Singh or Jai Singh II, the founder of the modern city of Jaipur, was a contemporary of the emperors Farrukhsiyar (1713-19) and Muḥammad Shāh (1719-48). Therefore, none of them could be the contemporary of Akbar. This irrelevancy makes the entire statement of Stirling about the election of Rāmāi Rāotrā, son of Dānāi Vidyādhara, as Gajapati Rāmachandra Deva of Orissa by the grandees of the country in 1580, entirely untrustworthy.

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¹ Bengal District Gazetteer Puri, p. 46.

v2.c37.30

² Ibid., p. 111.

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³ Asiatic Researches Vol. XV, pp. 290-91.

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¹ *Note to p., 45.*

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According to a third account this Rāmachandra was the son of one Vīra Behara of the Bhoi dynasty. It is stated that when the images of Jagannātha, Subhadrā and Balarāma were carried away to Bengal, one Visara Mahānti followed the image of Jagannātha to Bengal and recovered the holy relic or *Brahma-śarīra* from it. It is perhaps not generally known that some relic is kept in a hollow in the image of Jagannātha and this is placed in a new image, when the old one is changed, by a priest, who is blind-folded. The images of Jagannātha, etc., are made of *Nim* wood and require periodical renewal and at such times the holy object is taken from the old image and put inside the new. The story of the recovery of the holy object by Visara Mahānti may or may not be true. Rāmachandra seems to have made new images and installed them in the temple after producing the real holy relic or a faked one. Iconoclasts like Kālāpāhāḍ never leave their work of destruction incomplete, and, therefore, it is extremely difficult to believe that he left the wooden images partially burnt and thus permitted Visara Mahānti of Oṛiyā tradition to recover the *Brahma-śarīra*.

v2.c37.34

These conflicting accounts of the origin of Rāmachandra I of Khurda, prove that the accounts kept in the Puri temple are compilations later in date than Rāmachandra. Rai Bahadur Ramā Prasād Chanda has found out the correct date of the *Mādalā Pāñji* account of the origin of Rāmachandra I of Khurda. "Bhawani Charan has recorded that in the second *Aṅka* or the first year of the reign of Rāmachandra Deva of Khurda the Rājah ordered Vaṭeswar Mahānti to compile the annals. . . .But the history of the reign of Rāmachandra Deva must have been compiled long after and by persons who could not even definitely ascertain the father's name of that king. We have, therefore, rather a distorted version of the history of Rāmachandra Deva in the Puri annals.”¹ Chanda has proved definitely that Rāmachandra was not created a chief of Orissa by the Mughals. Somehow or other he had managed to obtain possession of the fort of Sarangarh when Rājā Mān Singh invaded Orissa in 1590. Mān Singh’s Hindu sympathies and the end of the turbulent Pathan rule encouraged Hindu chiefs to come forward and claim the title Gajapati. One of the claimants was Rāmachandra, a son of the last real Gajapati, Mukunda Harichandana. Rāmachandra of Khurda had at first sided against the Mughals and even fought with Mān Singh but eventually he had to submit. Mān Singh’s first expedition to Orissa failed to break the spirit of the turbulant Afghans. In 1592 Rāmachandra was asked to attend the Court of the Ṣubāhdār of Orissa, but he refused as he had sent his son. Mān Singh sent Jagat Singh with a number of Mughal officers against him. Rāmachandra took refuge in his fort of Khurda, where he was besieged, and the neighbouring forts were captured by the Mughals; but the war was apparently stopped by Akbar from the capital and Mān Singh recalled his troops. Then Rāmachandra was persuaded to pay his respects to Rājā Mān Singh. Mān Singh had given Jāgira to Khwājah Sulaimān, Khwājah ’Uṣmān, Sher Khān and Haibat Khan in sarkār Khalifatābād in Bengal (Jessore and Khulna districts) but later on, he confiscated their Jāgirs and asked them to come to his presence. The Afghans were approaching Kharagpur when they heard the news and rebelled. They approached Sātgāon but could not capture it. They then turned eastward and went to Bhūshaṇa in the Jessore district. Chānd Rāi, son of Kedār Rāi, attempted to capture the Afghans but failed and was killed in the attempt. From Bhūshaṇa the Afghans proceeded eastwards and joined 'Isā Khān of Bhati or the part of the Ganges Doāb below Sonārgāon. Abul Fazl states that it was at this time that the fort of Mānpur, between Orissa and Telinganā, was taken by Rājā Mān Singh and given to Rāmachandra Deva of Khurda.

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