高僧傳 1

English (machine translation) 1

Language: English

1.1

Compiled by the śramaṇa Shi Huijiao of Jiaxiang Temple in Kuaiji under the Liang.

1. Śeṣamātaṅga
2. Dharmarakṣa
3. An Qing
4. Lokakṣema
5. Dharmakāla
6. Kang Senghui
7. Vighna
8. Dharmarakṣa
9. Bo Yuan
10. Śrīmitra
11. Saṃghabhadra
12. Dharmanandin
13. Saṃghadeva
14. Zhu Fonian
15. Dharmayaśas

1.4

Śeṣamātaṅga was originally a native of Madhyadeśa. Possessing an elegant deportment and understanding both the Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna sūtras, he consistently took traveling and converting others as his duty. Formerly, when he passed through a small vassal state of Tianzhu to lecture on the Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra, it happened that a hostile state invaded its borders. Mātaṅga considered: 'The sūtra says: "Whoever can expound the Dharma of this sūtra will be protected by the earth spirits, who will cause their dwelling place to be peaceful and secure." Now that spears and arrows are just about to clash, can this not be of benefit?' Thereupon, vowing to forget his own person, he went in person to urge reconciliation. As a result, the two states exchanged cordial relations, and he became prominent and famous because of this.

1.5

During the Yongping era of the Han, Emperor Ming dreamed at night of a golden man flying down through the air, whereupon he gathered the assembly of ministers to divine the dream. The broadly learned Fu Yi respectfully replied: 'Your servant has heard that in the Western Regions there is a divine being whose name is "Buddha". Could what Your Majesty dreamed perhaps be this?' The emperor considered it to be so, and immediately dispatched the Court Gentleman Cai Yin, the Academician's disciple Qin Jing, and others on an embassy to Tianzhu to seek out the Buddhadharma. Yin and his companions met Mātaṅga there and invited him to return to the land of Han. Mātaṅga vowed to propagate [the Dharma] far and wide; undaunted by toil and hardship, he braved the shifting sands and arrived at Luoyi. Emperor Ming rewarded and received him with great esteem, erecting a vihāra outside the west gate of the city to lodge him. This was the beginning of the presence of śramaṇas in the land of Han. However, as the great Dharma had just been introduced and there was as yet no faith and devotion, he kept his profound understanding concealed and had nothing to proclaim. A short while later, he died in Luoyang. There is a record that says: Mātaṅga translated one fascicle of the Sūtra of Forty-two Sections, which was originally sealed in the fourteenth compartment of the Stone Chamber of the Orchid Pavilion. The place where Mātaṅga resided is today's Baima Temple outside the Yongmen gate in the west of Luoyang city. Tradition has it that a king of a foreign state once demolished various monasteries, leaving only the Cāturdiśa Monastery not yet destroyed. At night, a white horse circled the stūpa, neighing sorrowfully. When this was reported to the king, the king immediately stopped destroying the monasteries. Thereupon, he changed the name of the Cāturdiśa Monastery to 'White Horse' (Baima). For this reason, the naming of many monasteries often followed this model.

1.6

Zhu Dharmarakṣa was also a native of Madhyadeśa. He stated of himself that he had memorized tens of thousands of passages from sūtras and treatises, and was a teacher to scholars in Tianzhu. When Cai Yin had arrived in that country, Dharmarakṣa joined Śeṣamātaṅga in agreeing to travel and convert, and so accompanied him. Encountering hindrance from his disciples there, who tried to detain him, Dharmarakṣa arrived by taking a secret route. Having reached Luoyang, he stayed together with Mātaṅga, and in a short while became proficient in the Han language.

1.7

When Yin obtained sūtras in the Western Regions, [Dharmarakṣa] immediately translated five texts for him: the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, the Jātaka, the Dharmasāgarakośa, the Buddhacarita, and the Sūtra of Forty-two Sections. Owing to the relocation of the capital and bandit uprisings, the originals of four texts were lost and not transmitted to the region east of the Yangtze River; only the Sūtra of Forty-two Sections is extant today, running to some two thousand words. Among the various sūtras surviving in the land of Han, this alone was the first. Yin also obtained in the Western Regions a painted seated image of Śākyamuni, which was the fourth work made by the master of King Udayana's sandalwood image. When they arrived in Luoyang, Emperor Ming immediately ordered artisans to copy it and placed [the copies] in the Qingliang Terrace and atop the Xianjie Tomb. The old image no longer survives today.

1.8

Furthermore, in the past, when Emperor Wu of the Han excavated the bottom of Lake Kunming, he discovered black ash and asked Dongfang Shuo about it. Shuo said: 'I do not know in detail; you may ask a person from the Western Regions.' Later, when Dharmarakṣa arrived, the crowd pursued the matter and asked him. Dharmarakṣa said: 'When the world comes to an end and the kalpa fire burns completely through, this ash is what remains.' Shuo's words were thus verified, and those who believed were very numerous. Dharmarakṣa later died in Luoyang, his age being sixty-odd years.

1.9

An Qing, courtesy name Shigao, was the crown prince of the principal queen of the king of the Arsacid Empire. In his youth, he was praised for his filial conduct, and in addition was intellectually astute and resolutely fond of learning; he comprehensively mastered foreign classical texts, the seven luminaries, the five phases, medical recipes, unusual arts, and even the sounds of birds and beasts. Once, while walking, he saw a flock of swallows and suddenly said to his companions: 'The swallows say that someone ought to be bringing food.' In a short while, someone indeed brought [food]. Everyone marvelled at it, and therefore his reputation for extraordinary talent spread early throughout the Western Regions. Although Shigao was living as a householder, he observed the precepts strictly and meticulously. When the king passed away, he succeeded to the royal throne, but contemplating deeply on suffering and emptiness, he grew weary of and detached from material existence. Once the mourning observances were completed, he yielded the kingdom to his uncle and left home to practice the Path. He was broadly versed in the sūtrapiṭaka and especially refined in Abhidharma studies; chanting and upholding dhyāna sūtras, he grasped nearly all of their subtleties. Thereafter, he traveled abroad to propagate and convert, journeying through various countries, and at the beginning of the reign of Emperor Huan of the Han, he first arrived in China. With sharp aptitude and quick wit, he could comprehend upon hearing once, and not long after his arrival, he was fully fluent in the Chinese language. Thereupon, he proclaimed and translated various sūtras, changing the foreign into Chinese, producing the Ānāpānasmṛti, the Skandhadhātvāyatana-sūtra, the Greater and Lesser Twelve Gates, and the One Hundred and Sixty Sections. Earlier, the foreign Tripiṭaka master Saṃgharakṣa had compiled the essentials of the sūtras into twenty-seven chapters; Shigao analyzed the seven chapters compiled by [Saṃgha]rakṣa and translated them into the Han language, which is the Yogācārabhūmi-sūtra. In all, the sūtras and treatises he produced earlier and later numbered thirty-nine texts. Their meaning was clear and precise, the phrasing fitting and correct, eloquent without being florid, plain without being crude; all who read them did so tirelessly without fatigue. Shigao investigated principles and fully realized nature, knowing his own karmic affinities; he possessed many miraculous signs that the world could not fathom. In the beginning, Shigao stated of himself that in a previous life he had already left home: he had a fellow student who was prone to anger, and whenever he encountered a donor who was not compliant during piṇḍapāta, he would always resent him. Shigao repeatedly admonished him, but he never reformed. After more than twenty years of this, he bid farewell to his fellow student, saying: 'I must go to Guangzhou to settle an account from a past life. You are clear in the sūtras and diligent, not behind me; however, by nature you are given to anger, and when your life ends you will receive an evil rebirth. If I attain the Path, I will surely deliver you.' Afterwards, he proceeded to Guangzhou. Encountering the great turmoil of bandits, as he walked along the road he met a youth who spat on his hands, drew a blade, and said: 'I have truly caught you!' Shigao smiled and said: 'In a previous life I owed you, so I have come from afar to repay you. Your fury is simply the intention from our former life.' Thereupon, he stretched out his neck to receive the blade, his countenance showing no fear. The bandit then killed him. Those who watched filled the streets, and all were astonished at this extraordinary event. Subsequently, his vijñāna returned to become the crown prince of the Arsacid king, which is the present Shigao in this life.

1.10

After Shigao had completed his work of traveling, converting, and proclaiming the sūtras in China, it was the end of Emperor Ling's reign and the Guan-Luo region was in chaos; thereupon, he shook his staff toward the south of the Yangtze River, saying: 'I shall pass Mount Lu to deliver my former fellow student.' Traveling on, he reached the shrine at Lake Gongting. This shrine had long possessed divine power; when merchants prayed, it divided the wind for going upstream and downstream so that none were delayed. Once, someone asked for sacred bamboo, and took it without permission; the boat immediately capsized, and the bamboo returned to its original place. From then on, boatmen stood in awe and dread, everyone cowering in fear. Shigao and his traveling companions in more than thirty boats offered animal sacrifices to pray for blessings. The spirit then descended and spoke through a medium, saying: 'There is a śramaṇa on the boat; you may call him up.' The guests were all astonished and invited Shigao into the shrine. The spirit told Shigao: 'In the past, in a foreign land, I left home with you to study the Path. I was fond of practicing dāna, yet by nature was given to anger. Now I am the spirit of the Gongting shrine; a circuit of a thousand li is all my domain. Because of dāna, my precious treasures are exceedingly plentiful; because of anger, I fell into this divine retribution. Now, seeing my fellow student, my sorrow and joy can hardly be expressed. My lifespan will end morning or evening, yet my ugly form is huge and long; if I cast off my life here, it would foul the rivers and lakes, so I must cross to the marshes west of the mountain. After this body perishes, I fear falling into naraka. I have a thousand bolts of silk together with various treasures; you may establish Dharma activities and construct a stūpa on my behalf, so that I may be born in a good realm.' Shigao said: 'I have deliberately come to deliver you; why do you not reveal your form?' The spirit said: 'My form is extremely hideous and strange; the crowd will certainly be terrified.' Shigao said: 'Just come out; the crowd will not think it strange.' The spirit protruded its head from behind the couch—it was a great python, the length of whose tail was unknown. When it reached beside Shigao's knees, Shigao spoke to it in Sanskrit several times and chanted several verses of stotra; the python wept tears of sorrow like rain, and after a moment retreated into hiding. Shigao then took the silk and treasures, took his leave, and departed. When the boat travelers set sail, the python emerged again, ascending the mountain to gaze after them; only after the crowd waved their hands did it disappear. In the twinkling of an eye, he arrived at Yuzhang, where he used the shrine's goods to build the Eastern Monastery. After Shigao left, the spirit immediately passed away. In the evening, a youth came aboard the boat, knelt before Shigao, received his praṇidhāna, and suddenly vanished. Shigao said to the boatmen: 'The youth just now was the spirit of the Gongting shrine; he has gained release from the evil form.' Thereupon, the shrine's spirit faded, and ultimately had no further efficacy. Later, people saw a dead python in the marshes west of the mountain, several li from head to tail; this is the present-day Snake Village of Xunyang Commandery.

1.11

Afterward, Shigao went again to Guangzhou to seek out the youth who had killed him in his previous life. At that time, the youth was still alive. Shigao went to his home, recounted the matter of repaying the debt in former days, and narrated their karmic connection from previous lives. Facing each other with joy, [Shigao] said: 'I still have a remnant retribution; I must now go to Kuaiji to settle the account.' The Guangzhou man realized that Shigao was no ordinary man, experienced a sudden awakening, repented of his former transgression, and generously supplied him. He accompanied Shigao on his eastward journey and reached Kuaiji. As soon as they entered the marketplace, it happened that there was a riot in the marketplace; someone fighting accidentally struck Shigao's head, and he lost his life on the spot. Having repeatedly witnessed the verification of these two retributions, the Guangzhou man became diligent in the Buddhadharma and recounted the full circumstances of these events. When people far and near heard of it, all grieved, understanding that the three times truly have their proof. Since Shigao was of royal lineage, travelers and guests from the Western Regions all called him 'Marquis An', which remains his title down to the present day. The country of Tianzhu refers to its own writing as divine writing and its spoken words as divine language; their sounds and meanings are intricate and difficult, vastly different from Chinese. Those who transmitted translations before and after often resulted in errors and inaccuracies; only those produced by Shigao stand at the forefront of all translations.

1.12

Master Dao'an considered: If one could receive teachings from him in person, it would be no different from seeing a sage. Eminent men of successive generations have all praised and longed for him. When I investigated the various catalogues, records concerning Master Shigao showed discrepancies of inclusion and omission; perhaps this is because his expedient manifestations were hidden or apparent and his responses took many turns, or perhaps because chroniclers made errors that resulted in conflicting accounts. I have duly gathered and recorded these various discrepancies, in the hope that they may be discussed.

1.13

According to the Scriptural Catalogue by Shi Dao'an: 'Between the second year of the Jianhe reign of Emperor Huan of the Han and the Jianning reign of Emperor Ling, a period of over twenty years, An Shigao translated over thirty sūtras.' Moreover, a Separate Biography states: 'At the end of the Taikang reign of the Jin, there was a man of the Way named the Marquis An who came to Sangyuan. Having finished producing a sūtra, he sealed a box at the temple, saying: "It may be opened after four years." At the end of the Wu, he traveled to Yangzhou and had someone sell a chest of goods to purchase a slave named Fushan, saying: "This is my good spiritual friend (kalyāṇamitra)." He then took the slave to Yuzhang and crossed over the deity of the Gongting shrine. After building a temple for him, Fushan stabbed Marquis An in the ribs with a knife, whereupon he died. The people of Sangyuan then opened the box he had sealed; the grain of the wood had naturally formed characters that said: "The one who honors my way is the upāsaka Chen Hui; the one who transmits the dhyāna scriptures is the monk Sengui." It was precisely four years to that day.' Furthermore, Yu Zhongyong's Record of Jingzhou states: 'At the beginning of the Jin, there was the śramaṇa An Shigao, who crossed over the deity of the Gongting shrine and, obtaining wealth and goods, erected the Baima Temple in the southeastern corner of the city of Jing.' Prince Kang of Linchuan under the Song states in his Records in Proclamation of Manifestations: 'The python died at the end of the Wu.' Tanzong's Record of Pagodas and Temples states: 'Waguan Temple in Danyang was erected during the reign of Emperor Ai of the Jin by the śramaṇa Huili; later, there was the śramaṇa An Shigao, who repaired it using the leftover property from the Gongting shrine.' However, since Dharma Master Dao'an collated the various scriptures and arranged the records of their translations, he certainly could not have been mistaken. From the second year of the Jianhe reign of Emperor Huan of the Han to the end of the Taikang reign of the Jin is over one hundred and forty years in all. While it might be possible if Master Gao lived to a great age, the facts cannot be so. Why is this? Consider that Kang Senghui's preface to his commentary on the Ānāpānasmṛti-sūtra states: "This sūtra was produced by Shigao, and for a long time it lay obscure. By chance there were Han Lin of Nanyang, Wen Ye of Yingchuan, and Chen Hui of Kuaiji; these three worthy men possessed deep and sincere faith in the Way. Together they requested instruction; Chen Hui then explained the meaning, and I assisted in weighing the interpretations." Now, Sengui died in the first year of the Taikang reign of the Jin, yet he had already stated: "After this sūtra was produced, for a long time it lay obscure." Furthermore, the writing inside the box sealed by Shigao said: "The one who honors my way is the upāsaka Chen Hui; the one who transmits the dhyāna scriptures is the monk Sengui." Now, what the Ānāpāna clarifies deals extensively with the practice of dhyāna; thus we know that the inscription in the sealed box was surely not a fabrication. Since it says that these two men were only then to transmit his way, how could [Shigao] have shared the same era with them? Moreover, the Separate Biography itself states: "The one who transmits the dhyāna scriptures is the monk Sengui." If Sengui had already died at the beginning of the Taikang reign, how could the man of the Way Marquis An have appeared only at the end of the Taikang reign? The statements from beginning to end contradict each other. It must simply be that an errant book mistakenly pointed to the beginning of the Jin, and subsequent writers either spoke of the Taikang reign or mentioned the end of the Wu, blindly following each other in rivalry without any way to verify it. Since the claim regarding the beginning of the Jin is already difficult to accept, Tanzong's record stating that "During the reign of Emperor Ai of the Jin, Shigao once again repaired the temple" is an even more wildly divergent error.

1.14

Lokakṣema, also simply called Zhi Chen, was originally a man of the Yuezhi. His conduct was pure and profound, his natural capacity open and acute. Receiving and upholding the Dharma and precepts, he was renowned for his diligence. Chanting and reciting the scriptures, his aspiration lay in propagating the Dharma. During the reign of Emperor Ling of the Han, he traveled to Luoyang, and between the Guanghe and Zhongping reigns, he translated from the Sanskrit text, producing three sūtras: the Wisdom [Sūtra of the] Practice of the Way (Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā), the Pratyutpanna-[samādhi-sūtra], and the Śūraṅgama[-samādhi-sūtra]. He also translated over ten scriptures, including the Ajātaśatru-rāja[-sūtra] and the Ratnakūṭa, which had lacked records for a long time. Master Dao'an, collating and determining ancient and modern works, examined their literary style carefully and said: 'They seem to be what Chen translated. All of these scriptures thoroughly capture the original purport and are not embellished at all; he can indeed be called a master who excellently proclaimed the essentials of the Dharma and magnified the Way.' Later, it is unknown where he ended his days.

1.15

At that time there was the Indian śramaṇa Zhu Foshuo, who likewise in the time of Emperor Ling of the Han brought the Daoxing jing to Luoyang and immediately rendered the Sanskrit into Chinese. The translator occasionally faltered, and though there were lapses in the meaning, he discarded rhetorical ornament and preserved the substance, deeply grasping the intent of the scripture. Foshuo also, in the second year of the Guanghe reign, produced the Pratyutpanna-samādhi[-sūtra] at Luoyang; Chen provided the oral translation, and Meng Fu and Zhang Lian of Luoyang in Henan took it down in writing.

1.16

At that time there was also the upāsaka An Xuan, a man of the Arsacid Empire. His nature was chaste and pure, deep and reasonable. He broadly recited the scriptures and was thoroughly versed in many subjects. Also at the end of the reign of Emperor Ling of the Han, he traveled as a merchant to Luoyang and was granted the title of Chief of Cavalry for his merits. His nature was serene, tranquil, warm, and reverent; he constantly took matters of the Dharma as his personal responsibility. Gradually understanding the Chinese language, he aspired to proclaim the scriptures and regularly discussed the principles of the Way with śramaṇas; this was he whom the world called the Chief of Cavalry. Xuan, together with the śramaṇa Yan Fodiao, produced the Fajing jing (Ugraparipṛcchā-sūtra); Xuan orally translated the Sanskrit text, and Fodiao took it down in writing. The principles were grasped and the phrasing was correct, completely conveying the subtle purport of the sūtra; the excellence of their masterly craftsmanship was praised by later generations. Diao was originally a man of Linhuai; in his youthful years he was clever and perceptive, keen and fond of learning. The world praised the three men—Marquis An, the Chief of Cavalry, and Fodiao—saying that in translating and transmitting they were difficult to match. Diao also composed the Ten Wisdoms, which is also transmitted in the world. Master Dao'an praised Fodiao's scriptural translations as succinct without being verbose, the complete texts being skillful.

1.17

There were also the śramaṇas Zhi Yao, Kang Ju, Kang Mengxiang, and others, all of whom, between the reigns of Emperors Ling and Xian of the Han, enjoyed a reputation for wisdom and learning that spread through the capital Luoyang. Yao translated the Chengju dingyi jing, the Xiao benqi, and other works; Ju translated the Wen diyushi jing; all were straightforward in phrasing and accurate in principle, without added rhetorical polish. Mengxiang translated the Zhong benqi and the Xiuxing benqi. Prior to this, the śramaṇa Tanguo had obtained the Sanskrit manuscripts in the country of Kapilavastu; Mengxiang, together with Zhu Dali, translated them into Chinese. Master Dao'an said: 'What Mengxiang produced flows smoothly and elegantly, fully capable of conveying the profound purport.'

1.18

Dharmakāla, translated here as 'Dharmatime', was originally a man of Madhyadeśa. His family had been very wealthy for generations and constantly cultivated pure merit. From his youth, Dharmakāla possessed talent and insight, and his bearing exceeded that of ordinary people; with a single glance at a text, he fully understood both words and meaning. He was skilled in studying the Four Vedas, and in the wind and clouds, stars and constellations, charts and prognostica, and cyclic revolutions, there was nothing he did not master; he said of himself that all the literary principles under heaven were completely within his mind and belly. When he reached the age of twenty-five, he entered a monastery and chanced upon the Abhidharmasāra (Faxing pidan); he idly took it up to read, but was utterly bewildered and could not comprehend it. Examining it again with care, he grew all the more confused. Thereupon he sighed and said: 'For many years I have accumulated learning, letting my ambition roam across the ancient classics, wielding my blade through the scriptures and histories; of their principles, I never needed a second thought, and of their texts, I never needed a second reading. Now, seeing this Buddhist book, it completely transcends my understanding; its principles and subtleties must reach into the profound, possessing a separate, refined essence.' Thereupon, bringing the scroll into a room, he asked a monk to explain it briefly. He then deeply awoke to cause and effect, wonderfully comprehended the three realms of time, and for the first time knew that the Buddhist teaching was vast and expansive, beyond what secular books could reach. He therefore abandoned worldly glory, left home (pravrajyā) in ascetic practice, and recited the Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna scriptures and the Vinaya of the various schools.

1.19

He constantly valued itinerant teaching and disliked remaining confined to one place. In the Jiaping reign of the Wei, he came to Luoyang. At that time, although the Buddhadharma existed within the borders of the Wei, the customs of the Way were corrupted and degraded; there were also monks who had not received the refuges and precepts, merely shaving their heads to distinguish themselves from secular customs. Even when they set up fasts and repentances, they treated them in the manner of sacrificial rites. When Dharmakāla arrived, he caused the Buddhadharma to flourish greatly. At the time, various monks together requested Dharmakāla to translate the monastic rules (vinaya); Dharmakāla considered that because the branch rules of the Vinaya division were intricate and their texts extensive, and the Buddhist teaching had not yet prospered, they would certainly not be adopted and practiced. He therefore translated the Sengqi jiexin (Mahāsāṃghika-prātimokṣa), merely to provide for morning and evening practice. He further invited Sanskrit monks to establish karmavācanā rituals for conferring the precepts; the vinaya in China began with this. Later, it is unknown where Dharmakāla ended his days.

1.20

At that time there was also a foreign śramaṇa, Saṅghavarman (Kang Sengkai), who likewise arrived in Luoyang at the end of the Jiaping reign and translated four scriptures, including the Ugraparipṛcchā. There was also the śramaṇa Dharmasatya (Dandi) of the Arsacid Empire, who was also skilled in the study of vinaya; during the Zhengyuan reign of the Wei, he traveled to Luoyang and produced the Dharmaguptaka-karmavācanā. There was also the śramaṇa Bo Yan, of unknown origin, who was also talented, brilliant, and possessed deep understanding; during the Ganlu reign of the Wei, he translated six scriptures in all, including the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing. Later, it is unknown where he ended his days.

1.21

Kang Senghui's ancestors were people of Sogdiana (Kangju) who had resided in India for generations; his father moved to Jiaozhi because of commerce. When Senghui was over ten years old, both of his parents died; having completed the mourning with utmost filial piety, he left home (pravrajyā). His discipline was very rigorous, and as a person he was magnanimous, elegant, and possessed of insight and capacity, being dedicated and fond of learning. He clearly understood the Tripiṭaka and broadly read the Six Classics; in astronomy, prognostic charts, and apocrypha, there was much that he had mastered; he was eloquent and decisive, and quite skilled in literary composition. At that time Sun Quan had already brought Jiangzuo under control, but the Buddhist teaching was not yet practiced there. Earlier, there was the upāsaka Zhi Qian, whose courtesy name was Gongming and who had the alternative name Yue; he was originally a man of the Yuezhi who came to travel in the Han territory. Originally, in the reigns of Emperors Huan and Ling of the Han, there was Zhi Chen who translated various scriptures. There was Zhi Liang, courtesy name Jiming, who received instruction from Chen; Qian in turn studied under Liang. He broadly read the scriptures and books, thoroughly mastering all of them, and mastered many worldly arts and crafts. He studied varied heterodox books everywhere and was fluent in the languages of six countries. As a person, he was tall, slender, dark, and lean, with much white in his eyes and yellow pupils; people of the time had a saying about him: 'Master Zhi has yellow in his eyes; though his frame is slender, he is a sack of wisdom.'

1.22

During the disturbances at the end of the reign of Emperor Xian of the Han, [Zhi Qian] fled to the region of Wu to avoid turmoil. Sun Quan heard of his talent and wisdom, summoned him to an audience, and, being delighted with him, appointed him an Academician (bóshì). He tasked him with guiding and instructing the Heir Apparent in the Eastern Palace and, together with Wei Yao and others, with fully providing rectifying counsel. However, because he was born in an alien realm, the *Wu zhi* (Record of Wu) does not record him. Seeing that although the great teaching was in circulation, most sūtras were in Indic texts and had not yet been fully translated, Qian, who was already exquisitely skilled in regional languages, collected various manuscripts and translated them into the Chinese language. From the first year of the Huangwu reign era of Wu (222 CE) to the Jianxing era (252–253 CE), he produced forty-nine sūtras, including the *Vimalakīrti*, the *Mahāparinirvāṇa*, the *Dharmapada*, and the *Ruiying benqi jing* (*Sūtra of the Auspicious Origin*). They subtly captured the sacred meaning, and their diction and thought were elegant and refined. Moreover, based on the *Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra* and the *Zhong benqi jing*, he composed the three sections of the *Bodhi rhymed Indic chants* (Boti lianju fanbai), and also commented on the *Liaoben shengsi jing*, all of which circulated in the world. At that time, the Wu region was only newly tinged with the Great Dharma, and its custom and moral transformation were not yet complete. Kang Senghui wished to cause the Way to flourish on the left bank of the Yangtze River and to erect stūpas and monasteries. He therefore took his tin staff and traveled east, arriving in Jianye for the first time in the tenth year of the Chiwu era of Wu (247 CE). He built a thatched hut and set up an image to practice the Way. At that time, the people of the state of Wu had seen a śramaṇa for the first time; having observed his appearance without yet reaching his Way, they suspected him of being bizarre and deceptive. An official submitted a memorial saying, "A barbarian has entered our territory, calling himself a śramaṇa. His appearance and clothing are extraordinary; the matter should be investigated." Sun Quan said, "Formerly, Emperor Ming of the Han dreamed of a deity called the Buddha. Could what he serves not be its enduring influence?" He immediately summoned Senghui and interrogated him as to what miraculous efficacy he possessed. Senghui said, "Since the Tathāgata departed, more than a thousand years have swiftly passed. His relic bones (śarīra) shine with inexhaustible divine radiance. Anciently, King Aśoka erected stūpas to the number of eighty-four thousand. Indeed, the flourishing of stūpas and monasteries serves to manifest his enduring transformation." Quan considered this to be boastful exaggeration, and so said to Senghui, "If you can obtain a relic, I shall build a stūpa for you. If it is empty falsehood, the state has its established punishments." Senghui requested a period of seven days. He then said to his disciples, "The rise or fall of the Dharma rests on this single undertaking. If we are not of utmost sincerity now, how will there be time for it later?" Thereupon, together they observed purificatory fasting in a quiet room, placed a copper vase upon a table, burned incense, and bowed in supplication. When the seven-day limit expired, all was silent without response. He requested an extension of two sevens (fourteen days), but it was likewise. Quan said that this was truly deceit and falsehood, and was about to impose punishment. Senghui once more requested three sevens (twenty-one days), and Quan again specially granted it. Senghui said to his Dharma companions, "Xuanni (Confucius) had a saying: 'King Wen having died, is culture not lodged here [in me]?' The divine response of the Dharma ought to descend, yet we have had no sympathetic resonance. Why wait for the king's law? We must make death our vowed deadline!" On the evening of the twenty-first day, still nothing was seen, and everyone was terrified. Once the fifth watch was entered, suddenly a clanging sound was heard within the vase. Senghui went himself to look, and indeed obtained a relic. The next morning he presented it to Quan. The entire court assembled to observe: flames of five-colored light illuminated above the vase. Quan took the vase in his own hands and poured it onto a bronze dish; where the relic struck, the dish was instantly shattered. Quan was deeply awed, leapt up in astonishment, and said, "A rare and marvelous sign!" Senghui stepped forward and said, "As for the awesome divine power of the relic, how could it be only its radiant appearance? Even the fire of the kalpa burning cannot consume it, and a diamond pestle (vajra) cannot crush it." Quan ordered it to be tested. Senghui made a further vow, saying, "The clouds of the Dharma are just now spreading, and the myriad people look up to its moisture. May you once more bestow a divine miracle, so as to display your awesome numinous power far and wide." He then placed the relic on an iron anvil and block, and ordered a strongman to strike it. Thereupon the anvil and block were both dented, while the relic was undamaged. Quan was deeply impressed and convinced, and immediately built a stūpa for it. Because it was the first Buddhist monastery, it was named the Jianchu Monastery ('Monastery of Initial Establishment'), and the place was consequently named Fotuoli ('Buddha Lane'). From this, the Great Dharma finally flourished on the left bank of the Yangtze.

1.23

When Sun Hao came to power, his laws and decrees were severe and cruel. He abolished wanton sacrifices, extending even to Buddhist monasteries, which he intended to destroy completely. Hao said, "Whence did these arise? If their teaching is genuine and accords with the sagely canons, we should preserve and honor their Way. If they have no substance, let them all be burned." The various ministers said in unison, "The awesome power of the Buddha is not like that of other spirits. Kang Senghui moved [the unseen realms] to produce auspicious portents, and the Great Emperor (Sun Quan) founded the monastery. If we lightly destroy it now, we fear it may bequeath regrets later." Hao sent Zhang Yu to visit the monastery to interrogate Senghui. Yu was possessed of refined talent and eloquence, and his difficult queries came from all sides; Senghui gave free rein to his diction in accordance with the circumstances, his reasoning sharp and flowing. From morning to evening, Yu could not confute him. After Yu took his leave, Senghui saw him off at the gate. At that time, there was a wanton shrine next to the monastery. Yu said, "Since the mysterious transformation is already verified, why have these people not reformed though so near?" Senghui said, "When thunderclaps shatter mountains, the deaf do not hear them; this is not because the sound is faint. If the principle penetrates, then across ten thousand leagues there is a distant resonance; if it is obstructed, then even the liver and gall are as distant as Chu and Yue." When Yu returned, he sighed in admiration: "Senghui's talent and brilliance are beyond your subject's ability to measure; I hope Heaven (the Emperor) will examine and inspect him." Hao assembled the court's worthy men in large numbers and sent a horse carriage to welcome Senghui. After Senghui was seated, Hao asked, "Regarding what is clarified in the Buddhist teaching, the retribution of good and evil, what is it?" Senghui replied, "When an enlightened ruler instructs the world with filial piety and compassion, red crows soar and the Old Man [Star] appears; when his benevolent virtue nurtures things, sweet springs gush forth and auspicious grain sprouts. Since good has its auspicious omens, evil is also like this. Therefore, if one does evil in secret, ghosts and spirits have the right to slay him; if one does evil openly, men have the right to slay him. The *Classic of Changes* states: 'Accumulating goodness leaves lingering blessings'; the *Classic of Poetry* chants: 'Seeking blessing without turning back.' Although these are maxims of the Confucian canons, they are precisely the clear instructions of the Buddhist teaching." Hao said, "If so, then the Duke of Zhou and Confucius have already made it clear; what use is the Buddhist teaching?" Senghui said, "What the Duke of Zhou and Confucius said only briefly indicated the proximate traces; as for the teaching of Śākya, it thoroughly exhausts the profound and subtle. Therefore, doing evil brings long suffering in the hells (naraka), and cultivating goodness brings eternal joy in the heavenly palaces. Using this to clarify encouragement and deterrence—is it not grand?" At that time, Hao had no means to refute his words.

1.24

Although Hao heard the correct Dharma, his dark and violent nature could not overcome its cruelty. Later, he ordered imperial guard soldiers to enter the rear palace to tend the garden, where in the ground they discovered a golden image several feet tall and presented it to Hao. Hao had it placed in an impure privy and poured foul waste over it, laughing with his ministers and making sport of it. In a brief moment, his whole body swelled greatly, his private parts were especially painful, and his howling and wailing reached up to heaven. The Grand Astrologer divined and said that it was caused by offending a great deity. Hao immediately prayed and sacrificed at various shrines, but was never cured. A palace lady who had previously practiced the Dharma took the opportunity to inquire after his health, saying, "Has Your Majesty sought blessings in a Buddhist monastery?" Hao raised his head and asked, "Is the Buddha deity great?" The palace lady said, "The Buddha is a great deity." Hao's mind thereupon understood the full import of her words. The palace lady then welcomed the image and placed it in the palace hall, washed it with fragrant water several tens of times, burned incense, and repented. Hao knocked his head against his pillow, confessing his own offenses. After a moment the pain subsided. He dispatched a messenger to the monastery to inquire after the monks and invite Senghui to preach the Dharma; Senghui followed the messenger and entered immediately. Hao asked in full detail the causes of sin and blessing; Senghui analyzed and expounded them for him, his phrasing exceedingly refined and essential. Hao, already possessing talented understanding, was delighted and greatly pleased, and thereupon requested to inspect the śramaṇa precepts. Because the text of the precepts is secret and prohibited and must not be lightly revealed, Senghui took the one hundred and thirty-five vows of the *Benye* [jing] (*Sūtra of Original Karma*) and divided them into two hundred and fifty matters: whether walking, standing, sitting, or lying down, all are vows for sentient beings. When Hao saw that the compassionate vows were wide and universal, he increased his good intentions all the more; he immediately received the five precepts from Senghui, and within ten days his illness was cured. Thereupon he had Senghui's dwelling place further renovated, and proclaimed to the imperial clan that none should fail to venerate it. While at the court of Wu, Senghui frequently preached the correct Dharma; because Hao's nature was fierce and crude, unable to grasp subtle meanings, Senghui only narrated proximate events of karmic retribution to open his mind.

1.25

At the Jianchu Monastery, Senghui translated various sūtras, namely the *Ānanda-nimī* (*Anannianmi*), the *Mirror-Faced King* (*Jingmianwang*), the *Chaweiwang*, the *Fanhoushen jing*, and others; he also produced the *Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā* (*Xiaopin*), the *Ṣaṭpāramitā-saṃgraha* (*Liudu ji jing*), the *Saṃyukta-avadāna* (*Za piyu jing*), and others. All subtly captured the style of the sūtras, with language and meaning fitting and correct. Furthermore, he transmitted the chanting style of the *Parinirvāṇa-sūtra*, which was clear, melodious, plaintive, and resonant, serving as a model for a whole generation. He also annotated three sūtras—the *Ānāpānasmṛti*, the *Fajing jing* (*Dharmadarśa*), and the *Daoshu jing*—and composed prefaces to the sūtras; their literary style was elegant and apt, and their doctrinal significance subtle and profound, all of which circulate in the world.

1.26

In the fourth month of the fourth year of the Tianji reign era of Wu (280 CE), Hao surrendered to the Jin; in the ninth month, Senghui fell ill and died. This year was the first year of the Taikang era of Emperor Wu of the Jin. During the Xianhe era of Emperor Cheng of the Jin, Su Jun rebelled and burned the stūpa that Senghui had built; the Minister of Works He Chong rebuilt it again. The General Who Pacifies the West Zhao You, whose family had never revered the Dharma and who was arrogant toward the Three Jewels, entered this monastery and said to the monks, "I have long heard that this stūpa repeatedly emits radiant light; it is baseless and absurd, and I have not been able to believe it. If I must see it with my own eyes, then that is another matter." No sooner had he finished speaking than the stūpa emitted five-colored light that illuminated the halls and the pinnacle. You stood in awe with his hair standing on end, and from this conceived faith and reverence. To the east of the monastery, he erected another small stūpa. In the distant perspective, this was due to the divine resonance of the Great Sage; in the proximate perspective, it was also through the power of Kang Senghui. Therefore, his portrait was painted and has been transmitted to the present day. Sun Chuo composed a eulogy for him, saying:

1.27

"The venerable Senghui was solitary and pure, / Truly of excellent substance. / His mind held no proximate entanglements, / His spirit had leisure to spare. / Belonging to this dark night, / He roused those who had fallen. / Transcendent, he reached afar; / Eminent, he rose high above."

1.28

There is a record stating that Sun Hao struck and tested the relic, saying that it was not in Quan's time. In my examination, when Hao was about to destroy the monastery, all the ministers replied: "Kang Senghui moved [the unseen realms] to produce auspicious portents, and the Great Emperor (Sun Quan) founded the monastery." From this we know that the first eliciting of the relic was definitely in Quan's time. Therefore, the biographies of several authors all say that Sun Quan elicited the relic in the Wu palace, and that it was perhaps Hao who later further tested its miraculous efficacy.

1.29

Vighna was originally a man of Tianzhu. For generations his family had revered non-Buddhist ways, regarding fire worship as orthodox. At that time, a śramaṇa from Tianzhu who practiced and studied the Hīnayāna and performed many supernatural techniques, while on a long journey as evening approached, wished to lodge at Vighna's house for the night. Since Vighna's family served non-Buddhist ways and was suspicious and jealous of the sons of the Śākya, they placed him outside the gate to sleep in the open air. In the night, the śramaṇa secretly worked incantations, causing the fire worshipped by Vighna's family to suddenly be extinguished. Thereupon the whole family came out together, prostrated themselves, and invited the śramaṇa into the house to make offerings to him. The śramaṇa again used incantations to cause the fire to reignite. Seeing that the śramaṇa's supernatural power surpassed his own, Vighna immediately gave rise to great faith and delight in the Buddhadharma. He then abandoned what he had originally worshipped, went forth from household life into the Way (pravrajyā), and relied on this śramaṇa as his preceptor (upādhyāya). He received and studied the Tripiṭaka, was exquisitely versed in the four *Āgama*s, and traveled to convert various states, none of which failed to revere him.

1.30

In the third year of the Huangwu era of Wu (224 CE), together with his companion Zhu Luyan, he came to Wuchang, bringing an Indic manuscript of the *Tanbo jing*—*Tanbo* is the *Dharmapada-sūtra*. At that time, gentlemen of Wu jointly requested that the sūtra be translated. Since Vighna was not yet proficient in the national language, he and his companion Luyan translated it into Chinese text together. Luyan was also not yet proficient in the Chinese language, and there was much that was not fully expressed; their intent was to preserve the original meaning, so the diction was close to unadorned simplicity. Toward the end of the reign of Emperor Hui of the Jin, the śramaṇa Fali translated it anew into five fascicles. The śramaṇa Faju committed it to writing, and its diction was slightly more ornate. Fali also separately translated nearly one hundred short sūtras, but encountering the disturbances at the end of the Yongjia era, most no longer survive.

1.31

Zhu Dharmarakṣa—which translates as 'Fahu' (Guardian of the Dharma)—was originally from the Yuezhi, with the ancestral surname Zhi, and his family had dwelt for generations in Dunhuang Commandery. At eight years of age, he entered the religious life, serving the foreign śramaṇa Zhu Gaozuo as his master. He memorised ten thousand words of sūtras each day, retaining them as soon as they met his eyes. By nature pure and admirable, his practice was rigorous and ascetic, and his resolve devoted to love of learning: he travelled ten thousand leagues in search of masters. He thus read widely in the Six Classics and immersed his mind in the seven categories of books; yet worldly affairs, praise, and blame never troubled his heart.

1.32

At that time, in the reign of Emperor Wu of the Jin, although monasteries and sacred images were revered in the capital, the profound Vaipulya sūtras remained hidden beyond the Congling Mountains. Dharmarakṣa sighed with indignation, resolved to propagate the Great Way, and thereupon followed his master to the Western Regions, travelling through numerous countries. The foreign states had thirty-six different languages, with scripts to match; Dharmarakṣa studied them all, thoroughly mastering their glosses, sounds, meanings, and written forms, being fully conversant in every one. He then brought back a vast collection of Sanskrit sūtras and returned to the central lands, translating and writing them into the Jin language along the route from Dunhuang to Chang'an. Those he translated and studied included the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra, the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra, and others, amounting to one hundred and sixty-five works. What he strove for day and night was solely the spread of the Dharma as his lifelong task; writing and translating throughout his days, he never spoke of weariness. That the scriptural Dharma came to be widely disseminated in China was through Dharmarakṣa's efforts.

1.33

At the end of Emperor Wu's reign, Dharmarakṣa lived in seclusion in deep mountains. In the mountains there was a clear brook, where he always went to bathe and rinse his mouth; later, firewood gatherers defiled the water's edge, and in an instant it ran dry. Dharmarakṣa paced about and lamented, saying: 'The lack of virtue in humanity has caused this clear spring to cease flowing. If the water should be forever exhausted, I truly have no means to support myself, and ought simply to move away.' When he had finished speaking, the spring welled up and filled the brook; such was the response elicited by his profound sincerity. Thus Zhi Dun's eulogy for his portrait says: 'Master Dharmarakṣa was clear and still, / his virtue profound and fine; / softly chanting in the remote valley, / a dry spring rinsed his lips. / How lofty was Master Dharmarakṣa, / endowed by Heaven with vast excellence; / washing his feet in the Flowing Sands, / he grasped and brought forth the dark principle.' Later he established a temple outside the Qingmen Gate of Chang'an, diligently practicing the Way. Thereupon his virtuous transformation spread afar and his renown covered the four horizons; the several thousands of monks and disciples all looked up to and served him.

1.34

When Emperor Hui of the Jin fled west, the Guanzhong region fell into turmoil and the common folk were displaced; Dharmarakṣa and his disciples fled the turmoil and journeyed eastwards. Reaching Mianchi, he fell ill and died, at the age of seventy-eight. Later, Sun Chuo composed the Daoxian lun (Treatise on the Men of the Way and the Wise), matching seven Tianzhu monks to the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, and compared Dharmarakṣa to Shan Juyuan. The treatise states: 'Master Dharmarakṣa in virtue ranked as the chief among beings, while Juyuan in rank rose to discourse upon the Way; the lofty character and virtue of the two masters are well worthy of peers.' Such was the praise he received in later generations.

1.35

At that time there was the pure-believing layman Nie Chengyuan, who was discerning and talented, devout in spirit, and dedicated to the Dharma. Whenever Master Dharmarakṣa produced sūtras, he would frequently assist in correcting the sentences. When the Chaoriming jing was first translated, it was rather redundant and cumbersome; Chengyuan pruned and corrected it, yielding the two fascicles currently circulating. His editorial decisions were generally of this nature. Chengyuan had a son, Daozhen, who was also proficient in Sanskrit learning; this father and son produced phrasing that was elegant and apt, free of archaisms. In addition, Zhu Fashou, Chen Shilun, Sun Bohu, Yu Sheya, and others all received Dharmarakṣa's instructions together, taking brush in hand to carefully proofread.

1.36

Master Dao'an said: 'As for the texts Dharmarakṣa produced, if one truly obtains those from his own hand and eye, their main threads are sure to be correct. Although the sūtras he translated were not eloquent, subtle, gentle, or polished, they were broad, penetrating, joyous, and fluent, and particularly adept in the unarisen. Relying on wisdom rather than literary ornament, in their plainness they are close to the original.' Such was the praise he received. Dharmarakṣa's family had dwelt in Dunhuang for generations, and his transforming guidance was all-pervasive; the people of the time all called him the 'Dunhuang Bodhisattva.'

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高僧傳 — 慧皎, Classical Chinese