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Dwázda-Sála-i Jahángírí; Wáki’át Jahángírí, of the Emperor Jahángír (Elliot & Dowson, extracts)

Translation of The Memoirs of Jahāngīr (Jahāngīrnāma) (Tūzuk-i Jahāngīrī)

Language
English
Date
1875 CE
Translators
Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent
164 passages, 36,119 words
Text
complete digital text
Source
archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Contents

Text

1

[On Thursday, the 8th Jumada-s sani, 1014 Hijra (12th October, 1605), I ascended the throne at Agra, in the thirty-eighth year of my age.]

2

[The first order which I issued was for the setting up of a Chain of Justice, so that if the officers of the Courts of Justice should fail in the investigation of the complaints of the oppressed, and in granting them redress, the injured persons might come to this chain and shake it, and so give notice of their wrongs. I ordered that the chain should be made of pure gold, and be thirty gaz long, with sixty bells upon it. The weight of it was four Hindustani mans, equal to thirty-two mans of ’Irak. One end was firmly attached to a battlement of the fort of Agra, the other to a stone column on the bank of the river.]

The Twelve Institutes.

3.1

[I established twelve ordinances to be observed, and to be the common rule of practice throughout my dominions. 1. Prohibition of cesses (zakat). — I forbad the levy of duties under the names of tamgha and mir-bahri, together with the taxes of all descriptions which the jagirdars of every suba and sarkar had been in the habit of exacting for their own benefit. 2. Regulation about highway robbery and theft. — In those roads which were the scenes of robbery and theft, and in those portions of road which were far from habitations, the jagirdars of the neighbourhood were to build a sarai or a mosque, and they were to sink a well, to be the means of promoting cultivation, and to induce people to settle there. If these places were near to khálisa lands, the Government officials were to carry out these provisions. 3. Free inheritance of property of deceased persons, — Firstly. No one was to open the packages of merchants on the roads without their consent. Secondly. When any infidel or Musulman died in any part of my dominions, his property and effects were to be allowed to descend by inheritance, without interference from any one. When there was no heir, then officers were to be appointed to take charge of the property, and to expend it according to the law of Islam, in building mosques and saráis, in repairing broken bridges, and in digging tanks and wells.

3.2

4. Of wine and all kinds of intoxicating liquors. — Wine, and every sort of intoxicating liquor is forbidden, and must neither be made nor sold; although I myself have been accustomed to take wine, and from my eighteenth year to the present, which is the thirty-eighth year of my age, have regularly partaken of it. In early days, when I craved for drink, I sometimes took as many as twenty cups of double-distilled liquor. In course of time it took great effect upon me, and I set about reducing the quantity. In the period of seven years I brought it down to five or six cups. My times of drinking varied. Sometimes I began when two or three hours of the day remained, sometimes I took it at night and a little in the day. So it was until my thirtieth year, when I resolved to drink only at night, and at present I drink it only to promote digestion of my food. 5. Prohibition of the taking possession of houses, and of cutting off the noses and ears of criminals. — No one was to take up his abode in the dwelling of another. I made an order prohibiting every one from cutting off the noses or ears of criminals for any offence, and I made a vow to heaven that I would never inflict this punishment on any one.

3.3

6. Prohibition of Ghasb. — The officers of the khálisa lands and the jágírdárs are not to take the lands of the ráiyats by force, and cultivate them on their own account. The collectors of the khalisa lands and the jagirdars are not without permission to form connexions with the people in their districts. 7. Building of hospitals and appointment of physicians to attend the sick. — Hospitals were to be built in large cities, and doctors were to be appointed to attend the sick. The expenses were to be paid from the royal treasury. 8. Prohibition of the slaughter of animals on certain days. — In imitation of my honoured father, I directed that every year from the 18th of Rabi’u-l awwal, my birthday, no animals should be slaughtered for a number of days corresponding to the years of my age. In every week, also, two days were to be exempted from slaughter : Thursday, the day of my accession, and Sunday, the birthday of my father. 9. Respect paid to the Sunday. — He (my father) used to hold Sunday blessed, and to pay it great respect, because it is dedicated to the Great Luminary, and because it is the day on which the Creation was begun. Throughout my dominions this was to be one of the days on which killing animals is interdicted.

3.4

10. General confirmation of mansabs and jagirs. — I issued a general order that the mansabs and jagirs of my father’s servants should be confirmed, and afterwards I increased the old mansabs according to the merit of each individual. He who held ten was not advanced to less than twelve, and the augmentation was sometimes as much as from ten to thirty or forty. The allowance (alufa) of all the ahadis was advanced from ten to fifteen, and the monthly pay of all the domestics (shagird-pesha) was from ten to twelve or ten to twenty. The attendants upon the female apartments of my father were advanced according to their position and connexions from ten to twelve, or ten to twenty. 11. Confirmation of aima lands. — The aima and madad-ma’ash lands throughout my dominions, which are devoted to the purposes of prayer and praise, I confirmed according to the terms of the grant in the hands of each grantee. Miran, Sadr-i Jahan, who is of the purest race of Saiyids in Hindustan, and held the office of Sadr in the days of my father, was directed to look after the poor every day. 12. Amnesty for all prisoners in forts and in prisons of every kind. — All prisoners who had been long confined in forts or shut up in prisons, I ordered to be set free.]

4

[Gold and silver coins of various weights were struck, to each one of which I gave a distinct name. The coin of 100 tolas I called Nur-i shahi; the 50 tolas, Nur-i sultani; the 20 tolas, Nur-i daulat; the 10 tolas, Nur-i karam; the 5 tolas, Nur-i mihr; the 1 tola, Nur-i jahani; the ½ tola, Nurani; the ¼ tola, Rawaji. Silver coins. — I called the 100 tolas, Kaukab-i tali; the 50 tolas, Kaukab-i bakht; the 5 tolas, Kaukab-i sa'd; the 1 tola, Jahangiri; the ½ tola, Sultani; the ¼ tola, Nisari; the 10th of a tola, Khair-kabul. The copper coins in like manner each received a name.]
Hardas Rai, who had received from my father the title of Rai Rayan, and from me that of Raja Bikramajit (after one of the most celebrated Rajas of Hindustan, the founder of an Indian Observatory), was honoured by me with marks of the highest distinction. I made him commandant of artillery, with directions to keep 50,000 gunners and 3000 gun-carriages always in a state of readiness. Bikramajit was a Khatri by caste. He was in my father's time examiner of the expenditure on the elephants, and was afterwards raised to the exalted grade of diwan, and enrolled among the nobles of the Court. He was not destitute of gallantry and judgment.
As it was my intention to satisfy, as far as possible, all the old dependents of my father, I issued orders to the bakhshis, that every one of them who wished to obtain a jagir in his own country must apply for a grant to that effect, and that, in accordance with the Institutes of Changiz, he should be rewarded with an Altamgha grant, and enjoy the same without apprehension of change or removal. My ancestors, whenever they wished to bestow a jágír in proprietary right, used to stamp the grant with an Altamghá seal, which means one to which red ink is applied. I ordered that the place of the seal should be covered with gold-leaf, and then stamped with the Altamghá seal. Hence I named it Altúntamghá — that is, the gold seal.
Mirza Sultan, the favourite son of Mirza Shah Rukh, and grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, the descendant of Mirza Sultan Abu Sa'id, chief of Badakhshan, was elevated to the grade of 1000. I had asked my father to allow him to be on my establishment. Hence I brought him up, and treated him as a son. Bhao Singh, the ablest son of Raja Man Singh, was rewarded by a mansab of 1500, retaining his former office, and Zamana Beg, son of Ghayur Beg Kabuli, had gained the dignity of 500, by serving me when I was Prince as an Ahadi. He now, having received the title of Mahabat Khan and a mansab of 1500, was nominated paymaster of my household. Raja Nar Singh Deo, one of the Bundela Rajputs, stood high in my favour. He was as brave, kind-hearted, and pure as any man of his age. I elevated him to the dignity of 3000. The cause of his elevation was the murder of Abu-l Fazl, a descendant of one of the Shaikhs of Hindustan, distinguished for his talents and wisdom. About the close of my father's reign, Abu-l Fazl, wearing upon his plausible exterior the jewel of probity, which he sold to my father at high price, was summoned from his appointment in the Dakhin to the Royal Court. He was not my friend. He inwardly nourished evil intentions towards me, and did not scruple to speak ill of me.

5

The details of the murder of Shaikh Abu-l Fazl are thus described: Certain vagabonds had caused a misunderstanding between me and my father. The bearing of the Shaikh fully convinced me that if he were allowed to arrive at Court, he would do everything in his power to augment the indignation of my father against me, and ultimately prevent my ever appearing before him. Under this apprehension, I negociated with Nar Singh Deo. His country lay on the high road of the Shaikh from the Dakhin, and he at that period was engaged on a plundering expedition. I sent him a message, inviting him to annihilate Shaikh Abu-l Fazl on his journey, with promises of favours and considerable rewards. Nar Singh Deo agreed to this, and God rendered his aid to the success of the enterprise. When the Shaikh passed through his territory, the Raja closed upon him and his followers. They were in a short time put to flight, and he himself murdered. His head was sent to me at Allahabad. Although my father was exasperated at this catastrophe, yet in the end I was able to visit him without any anxiety or apprehension, and by degrees his sorrow wore away, and he received me with friendliness.

6

One day I observed to some learned Hindus that if the foundation of their religion rested upon their belief in the ten incarnate gods, it was entirely absurd; because in this case it became necessary to admit that the Almighty, who is infinite, must be endowed with a definite breadth, length, and depth. If they meant that in these bodies the supreme light was visible, it is equally visible in all things, it is not limited to them alone; and that if they said that these incarnate gods were the emblems of His particular attributes, it is also not admissible, for, amongst the people of all religions, there have flourished persons who performed miracles, and were possessed of much greater power and talents than others of their time. After a long discourse, they at last admitted that there was a God who had no corporeal form, and of whom they had no definite notion. They said that as to understand that singular and invisible Being was beyond their comprehension, they could not form any idea of Him but by the means of some natural objects, and therefore they had made these ten figures the medium of raising their minds up to the Supreme God. I then told them that they could not attain that end by this means.

7

My father used to hold discourse with learned men of all persuasions, particularly with the Pandits and the intelligent persons of Hindustan. Though he was illiterate, yet from constantly conversing with learned and clever persons, his language was so polished, that no one could discover from his conversation that he was entirely uneducated. He understood even the elegancies of poetry and prose so well, that it is impossible to conceive any one more proficient. The following is a description of his person. He was of middling stature, but with a tendency to be tall, wheat-colour complexion, rather inclining to dark than fair, black eyes and eyebrows, stout body, open forehead and chest, long arms and hands. There was a fleshy wart, about the size of a small pea, on the left side of his nose, which appeared exceedingly beautiful, and which was considered very auspicious by physiognomists, who said that it was the sign of immense riches and increasing prosperity. He had a very loud voice, and a very elegant and pleasant way of speech. His manners and habits were quite different from those of other persons, and his visage was full of godly dignity.

8

First Year of the Reign.

9

As I had removed the practice of levying transit duties, which amounted to many krors of rupees, throughout all the protected territories, I also extended the same indulgence to all the commercial places on the way between Kabul and Hindustan, the transit duties of which were collected annually to the amount of one kror and twenty-three lacs of dams. The whole transit duties of both provinces, viz. Kabul and Kandahar, were paid to the public treasury, and they formed the principal part of the income of those provinces. I removed the practice altogether, and this contributed much to the prosperity and benefit of the people of Iran and Turan.

Flight and Rebellion of Prince Khusru.

10.1.1

[In the first year after my accession Khusru, influenced by the petulance and pride which accompany youth, by his want of experience and prudence, and by the encouragement of evil companions, got some absurd notions into his head. In the time of my father’s illness some short-sighted men, trembling for their crimes and despairing of pardon, conceived the idea of raising him to the throne, and of placing the reins of the State in his hands. They never reflected that sovereignty and government cannot be managed and regulated by men of limited intelligence. The Supreme Dispenser of Justice gives this high mission to those whom he chooses, and it is not every one that can becomingly wear the robes of royalty. The vain dreams of Khusru and his foolish companions could end in nothing but trouble and disgrace; so when I obtained the sovereignty, I confined [girifta) him, and quieted my doubts and apprehensions. Still I was anxious to be kind and considerate to him, and to cure him of his ridiculous notions; but it was all in vain. At length he concocted a scheme with his abettors, and on the night of the 20th Zi-l hijja, he represented that he was going to visit the tomb of my father. Fifty horsemen in his interest came into the fort of Agra, and went off in that direction. A little afterwards, intelligence was brought that Khusru had escaped. The Amíru-l umará having ascertained the fact, sent into my private apartments, desiring to speak with me on an urgent affair.

10.1.2

I thought that perhaps some news had come from the Dakhin or from Gujarát. When I heard what had occurred, I said, “What is to be done, shall I mount and pursue him, or shall I send Khurram?” The Amíru-l umará said he would go if I would give him permission, and I said, “Be it so.” He then said, “If he will not be persuaded to return, and force becomes necessary, what am I to do?” I said, “If he will not return to the right way without fighting, do not consider what you may do as a fault—sovereignty does not regard the relation of father and son, and it is said, a king should deem no one his relation.” After having spoken these words, and settled some other matters, I sent him off. It then came to my recollection, that Khusrú had a great hatred of him. He (the Amíru-l umará) also, in consequence of the position and dignity that he holds, is envious of his peers, God forbid lest he should be malicious and destroy him! So I sent to call him back, and I despatched Shaikh Faríd Bokhárí on the service, directing him to take all the mansabdárs and ahadís he could collect. I determined that I myself would start as soon as it was day. * * The news came in that Khusrú was pressing forward to the Panjáb, but the thought came to my mind that he might perhaps be doing this as a blind, his real intention being to go elsewhere. Rája Mán Singh, who was in Bengal, was Khusrú’s maternal uncle, and many thought Khusrú would proceed thither.

10.1.3

But the men who had been sent out in all directions confirmed the report of his going towards the Panjáb. Next morning I arose, and placing my reliance on God, I mounted and set off, not allowing myself to be detained by any person or anything. When I reached the tomb of my honoured father, which is about three kos distant, I offered up prayers for the aid of his protecting spirit. Mírzá Hasan, son of Sháh Rukh Mírzá, who had formed the design of joining Khusrú, was brought in. I questioned him, but he denied the intention. I ordered them to bind his hands, and carry him back on an elephant. This capture I took as a good omen of the blessed assistance vouchsafed to me by that departed spirit.

10.1.4

At mid-day, when it became hot, I rested under the shade of some trees, and I observed to Khan-i ’azam, that I had been so engrossed with this unhappy matter that I had not taken the allowance of opium I usually took in the fore-part of the day, and that no one had reminded me of it. My distress arose from the thought that my son, without any cause or reason, had become my enemy, and that if I did not exert myself to capture him, dissatisfied and turbulent men would support him, or he would of his own accord go off to the Uzbeks or Kazilbashes, and thus dishonour would fall upon my throne. Determined on the course to be pursued, after a short rest, I started from the pargana of Mathura, which is twenty kos from Agra, and after travelling two kos farther, I halted at one of the villages of that pargana, in which there was a tank.

10.1.5

When Khusru arrived at Mathura, he met Hasan Beg Khan Badakhshi, who had received favours from my father, and was coming from Kabul to wait upon me. The Badakhshis are by nature quarrelsome and rebellious, and when Khusru, with his two or three hundred men, fell in with him, Khusru made him commander of his men. Every one whom they met on the road they plundered, and took from him his horse or goods. Merchants and travellers were pillaged, and wherever these insurgents went, there was no security for the women and children. Khusru saw with his own eyes that a cultivated country was being wasted and oppressed, and their atrocities made people feel that death was a thousand times preferable. The poor people had no resource but to join them. If fortune had been at all friendly to him, he would have been overwhelmed with shame and repentance, and would have come to me without the least apprehension. It is well known how I pardoned his offences, and with what great kindness and gentleness I treated him, so as to leave no ground for suspicion in his breast. When, during the days of my father, he was incited by designing men to entertain improper aspirations, he knew that the fact had been communicated to me, but he showed no trust in my kindness. His mother even, in the days when I was a prince, being grieved by his very unseemly acts, and by the unkindness of her younger brother Madhu Singh, took poison and died. How can I describe her excellences and good nature!

10.1.6

She had an excellent understanding, and her affection for me was such that she would have given a thousand sons or brothers as a ransom for one hair of mine. She frequently wrote to Khusru, and urged upon him the proofs of my kindness and affection, but it was all without effect; and when she found that there was no knowing to what lengths he would go, her Rajput pride was wounded, and she set her heart upon death. From time to time her mind wandered, and her father and brothers all agreed in telling me she was insane. After a time she appeared to recover, but on the 26th Zi-l hijja, 1013 H., when I had gone out hunting, she, in a state of aberration, took an excessive quantity of opium, and died soon afterwards, hoping that her fate would bring her undutiful son to contrition. She was my first bride, and I was married to her in youth. After the birth of Khusru, I gave her the title of Shah Begam. Unable to endure the ill-conduct of her son and brothers towards me, she gave up her life, and so relieved herself from vexation and sorrow. Her death took such an effect upon me that I did not care to live, and had no pleasure in life. For four nights and days, that is for thirty-two watches, in the depth of distress and sorrow, I did not care to eat or drink. When my father heard of my state, in his extreme kindness and affection, he sent me a robe and the turban which he had worn upon his own head.

10.1.7

This great favour fell like water on the flaming fire of my affliction, and gave me relief and comfort. But the recital of all this had no effect upon Khusru. By his wicked and unfilial conduct he had caused the death of his mother, and for no reason, but from mere freak and vicious fancy, he had broken out in rebellion against me, and thrown off all duty and obedience. It was necessary to punish his evil conduct, and at last he carried matters to such a length that he was placed in confinement. On the 2nd Zi-l hijja I halted at Hindal, and sent Shaikh Farid Bokhari with some men in pursuit of Khusru, and I gave him the command of the advance force. I sent Dost Muhammad to take care of Agra, and of the palaces and treasure. When I departed from Agra, I left that city in charge of ’Itimadu-d daula and Waziru-l Mulk. I now told Dost Muhammad that as I was going to the Panjab, and that province was under the diwani of ’Itimadu-d daula, he was to send the latter to me, and that he was to seize and keep in confinement the sons of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, who were in Agra; for if my own son could act in the way he had done, what might I expect from my uncle’s sons? After the departure of Dost Muhammad, Mu’izzu-l Mulk became bakhshi.

10.2.1

I halted at Palol and Faridabad, and on the 18th reached Dehli. There I visited the tomb of my grandfather Humayun, and distributed alms to the poor. Then I went to the tomb of Nizamu-d din Auliya, and there also I had my bounty dispensed among the poor and needy. On the 14th Ramazan, I halted at the sarai of Narila. Khusru had set fire to this sarai, and then passed on. * * On the 16th I halted in pargana of Panipat, a place which had always been a fortunate one for my ancestors, and where two important victories had been won by them: one, the victory gained by Babar over Ibrahim Lodi; the other, the victory over Himu by my honoured father. When Khusru left Dehli and got to Panipat, it happened that Dilawar Khan had reached that place. The Khan received a short warning of his approach, and immediately sent his sons over the Jumna, while he pressed forward to throw himself into the fortress of Lahore before Khusru could arrive there. About the same time, ’Abdu-r Rahim arrived from Lahore at the same place. Dilawar Khan advised him to send his sons over the river in the company of Dilawar’s own sons, and himself to await my arrival. He was alarmed and timid ; he could not resolve upon this course : but he delayed till Khusru arrived, and then he waited upon him and joined him.

10.2.2

Dilawar Khan bravely pushed on towards Lahore. On his way he informed every Government servant, and every krori merchant or other traveller he met, of the rebellion of Khusru. Some he took with him, and some he warned to keep out of the way. After this the people were saved from the violence of the rebels. It seems very probable that, if Saiyid Kamal in Dehli, and Dilawar Khan at Panipat, had shown any vigour, and had thrown themselves in the way of Khusru, the disorderly party which accompanied him would have been unable to make any resistance, and would have broken up, when Khusru would have been taken prisoner. Their courage did not serve them on this occasion, but both of them made up for the deficiency afterwards. Dilawar Khan, by rapid marching, reached Lahore before Khusru, and exerted himself to put the fortress in a state of defence to repel the rebel. Kamal also had done his best to stop the rebel, as will be noticed in its proper place. On the 18th Zi-l hijja I reached Karnal, where I halted. * * On the 19th I stopped at Shahabad, where there was great scarcity of water ; but a heavy rain now fell, and gladdened every one. * * At Aloda I sent Abu-l Bani Uzbek with fifty-seven mansabdars to the support of Shaikh Farid, and I also sent by them 40,000 rupees for expenses. Seven thousand were given to Jamil Beg, to pay arrears, and I also gave 18,000 to Mir Sharif Amali.

10.2.3

On the 24th Zi-l hijja five of Khusru’s followers were captured and brought in. Two of them who had entered into his service I ordered to be cast before elephants ; the other three denied having undertaken to serve him, and they were placed under restraint till the truth could be ascertained. * * On the 24th Farwardin, a messenger arrived from Dilawar Khan to inform me that Khusru was threatening Lahore, and to warn me to be cautious. On that same day the gates of Lahore were closed and secured, and two days afterwards Dilawar Khan entered the fortress with a few men. He immediately began to strengthen the place, repairing damages, mounting guns on the ramparts, and making all preparations for a siege. There was but a small force of troops in the place, but they were earnest, and had been appointed to their respective posts. The men of the city also were loyal and zealous.

10.2.4

Two days afterwards, when the preparations were complete, Khusru arrived before the city, and commenced operations. He directed his followers to burn one of the gates in any way they could, and he promised them that after the capture of the fortress the place should be given up to plunder for seven days, and that the women and children should be their prisoners. The desperate villains set fire to one of the gates, but Dilawar Khan and the other officers inside the walls raised up another barrier at the gate. Sa’id Khan, who was encamped on the Chinab, being informed of these movements, marched rapidly to Lahore. On reaching the river Ravi, he informed the garrison of his presence, and requested them to find a means of bringing him into the fortress. They sent twenty boats, and brought him and some of his followers in. On the ninth day of the siege Khusru was informed of the approach of the Imperial army in pursuit of him and his adherents. Having no resource, he deemed it desirable to encounter the royal forces. Lahore is one of the largest cities in Hindustan, and in the course of six or seven days a great number of men had been got together. I had been well informed that 10,000 or 12,000 men were ready to march away from Lahore, and to make a night attack on the van of my army. This intelligence reached me on the night of the 16th, in the garden of Agha Kuli.

10.2.5

On the night of the 20th, although it was raining heavily, I marched, and on the following morning reached Sultanpur. I remained there till mid-day, and just at that time a great action began between the royal army and the rebels. Mu’izzu-l Mulk had just brought me some food, and I was about to enjoy myself, when the news of the battle reached me. Directly I heard it, although I had a very good appetite, I merely swallowed a mouthful for good luck, and then mounted. Aware of the smallness of the force engaged, and anxious to bring up my men, I determined to press on with all speed night and day. I called for my great coat, but nobody brought it, and the only arms I had were a javelin and sword. Confiding myself to the favour of God, I started without hesitation. At first my escort did not exceed fifty horse, and no one knew that a battle was on that day imminent. At the bridge of Govindwal my men numbered four or five hundred, good and bad. After crossing the bridge, intelligence of victory reached me. The man who brought it was an officer of the wardrobe named Shamshir, and to him I gave the title of Khush-khabr Khan. Mir Jamalu-d din, whom I had before sent to warn Khusru, arrived just at the same time, and he spoke so much about the numbers and strength of Khusru, that my men were frightened, until the news of victory was confirmed by successive messengers. This Saiyid was a simple fellow.

10.2.6

He would not believe the report, but expressed his incredulity that an army such as he had seen could have been vanquished by so small and unprepared a force as that of Shaikh Farid. But when the litter of Khusru was brought in attended by two eunuchs, he then believed, and alighting from his horse, he placed his head at my feet, and offered his congratulations. Shaikh Farid had acted in this battle with the greatest zeal and fidelity. He placed the Saiyids of Barha, the heroes of the age, in the advance, and they fought most bravely. Saif Khan, son of Saiyid Mahmud Khan, the chief of the tribe, greatly distinguished himself, and received eighteen wounds. Saiyid Jalal, another of the tribe, received an arrow in the head, and died in a few days. The Saiyids of Barha in this action did not exceed fifty or sixty in number. These Saiyids repulsed the attack of 1000 horse and 500 Badakhshis, and were cut to pieces. Saiyid Kamal, with his brothers, was sent to support the advanced force, and he attacked the enemy vigorously in flank. The right wing, shouting, “Long live the King!” bore down, and the enemy, stricken with panic, broke and fled in all directions. Nearly 400 of the enemy were killed, and Khusru’s chest of jewels and trinkets, which he always carried with him, was captured. * *

10.2.7

I placed Mahabat Khan and ’Ali Beg Akbarshahi in command of a force to pursue Khusru wherever he should go. I also determined that if he went to Kabul, I would follow him, and not return till I had got him into my hands. If he should not stay in Kabul, but go off to Badakhshan and those parts, I would leave Mahabat Khan in Kabul, and follow him thither, lest he might ally himself to the Uzbeks, and bring disgrace to my throne. * * On the 28th my camp rested at Jahan, seven kos from Lahore. On that day Khusru came with a few followers to the banks of the Chinab. After his defeat, the opinions of those who escaped with him differed. The Afghans and the Hindustanis, who were mostly his oldest adherents, wished to turn back to Hindustan, and there raise disturbances. Husain Beg, whose wives and children and treasure were in the direction of Kabul, was in favour of going towards Kabul. When he resolved upon the latter course, the Afghans and Hindustanis separated from him. Upon reaching the Chinab, he wanted to cross at Shahpur, one of the regular ferries; but as he could not get boats, he went to the ferry of Sudhara. There they found one boat without boatmen, and another boat made of wood and straw. Before the defeat of Khusru, an order had been issued to all the jagirdars, road-keepers, and ferrymen of the Panjab, informing them of what had happened, and warning them to be careful. In consequence of this notice, the ferries and rivers were watched.

10.2.8

Husain Beg was about to take the two boats and send Khusru over. But just at this juncture, a chaudhari of Sudhara came up, and saw that a party of men were going to cross over the river by night. He expostulated with the boatmen of the wood and straw boat, and told them that the Emperor’s order was, that no boat should pass over by night. The contention and noise brought a number of men together, and the boat was taken away from the boatmen, and no one would convey them over. Abu-l Kasim Khan, who had charge of the ferry at Gujarat, when he was informed that a party of men wanted to cross the Chinab, proceeded to the place with his sons and some horsemen. Husain Beg * * got four boats, and attempted to cross; but the last one stuck on a sandbank. At daybreak Abu-l Kasim and Khwaja Khizr, who was director of the boatmen, assembled a party and secured the western bank of the river. The eastern bank was occupied by the zamindars. A force which I had sent under Sa’id Khan now came up at a most opportune time, and assisted to capture Khusru. On the 29th of the month, men riding on elephants and in boats secured him. Next day I heard of his capture, and I immediately sent the Amiru-l umara to bring Khusru to my presence. In matters of Government and State it frequently happens that one has to act upon one’s own judgment. Of the councils I have held, there are two which are remarkable.

10.2.9

First, when, in opposition to the counsel of all my friends, I left Allahabad, and went to wait upon my father, through which I obtained his pardon, and became King. Second, when I resolved instantly to pursue Khusru, and not to rest till I had taken him. * * On the 3rd of Muharram, 1015 A.H., Khusru was brought into my presence in the garden of Mirza Kamran, with his hands bound and a chain on his leg, and he was led up from the left side, according to the rule of Changiz Khan. Husain Beg was on his right, and ’Abdu-l ’Aziz on his left; he stood between them, trembling and weeping. Husain Beg, suspecting that they would make a scape-goat of him, began to speak sorrowfully, but they did not allow him to continue. I gave Khusru into custody, and I ordered these two villains to be inclosed in the skins of a cow and an ass, and to be placed on asses, face to the tail, and so to be paraded round the city. As the skin of a cow dries quicker than the skin of an ass, Husain Beg lived only to the fourth watch, and then died. ’Abdu-l ’Aziz, who was in the ass’s skin, and had moisture conveyed to him, survived.

10.2.10

From the last day of Zi-l hijja till the 9th Muharram, in consequence of bad weather, I remained in the garden of Mirza Kamran. I attributed the success gained in this expedition to Shaikh Farid, and I dignified him with the title of Murtaza Khan. To strengthen and confirm my rule, I directed that a double row of stakes should be set up from the garden to the city, and that the rebel awahnahs and others who had taken part in this revolt, should be impaled thereon, and thus receive their deserts in this most excruciating punishment. The land-holders between the Chinab and Behat who had proved their loyalty, I rewarded by giving to each one of them some lands as madad-ma'ash. * *

10.2.11

The disposal of Khusru still remained unsettled. As the vicinity of Agra was a hot-bed of disaffection, I was desirous that it should be cleared of dangerous persons, lest these pretensions of Khusru should be backed up and kept alive. So I directed my son Parwez to leave several sardars to carry on the campaign against the Rana, and to proceed himself with Asaf Khan and 200 others to Agra, and there to undertake the control and protection of the city. But before they arrived there, Khusru’s attempt had been crushed to the satisfaction of my friends, so I directed Parwez to come and meet me. On the 9th Muharram I entered Lahore. My friends and well-wishers advised me to return to Agra, because Gujarat, the Dakhin, and Bengal were all in a disordered state. But this advice did not approve itself to me, because I had learnt from the letters of Shah Beg Khan, the ruler of Kandahar, sundry facts all tending to show that the amirs of the frontier of the Kazilbashes had designs upon Kandahar. * * Intelligence reached me at Lahore, that the Kazilbashes had inclosed the fort of Kandahar on three sides, and it was evident that further delay would be dangerous ; so I sent a force thither under the command of Ghazi Beg Khan and * * *. With a view to prevent the threatened danger, I determined to proceed to Kabul, and to postpone my proposed excursion round about Lahore.]

11

[The second new year of my auspicious reign began on the 22nd Zi-l ka’da, 1015 A.H. (10th March, 1603 A.D.).]

Journey to Kabul.

12.1.1

On the 7th of Zi-l hijja, at a prosperous hour, I left the fort of Lahore, and crossing the Ravi, alighted at the garden of Dilamez, and stopped there for four days. I passed Sunday, the 19th of Farwardin, which was the day of the Sun’s entry into Aries, in that garden. Some of my servants were favoured with promotion. Ten thousand rupees in cash were given to Husain Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran. I left Kalij Khan, Miran Sadr-jahan, and Mir Sharif Amali at Lahore, and authorized them to conduct all transactions in concert with each other. On Monday I marched from the garden to the village called Haripur, three and a half kos from the city. On Tuesday, my flags waved in Jahangirpur, which was a hunting-ground of mine. Near this village a minaret was raised by my orders over an antelope of mine, called “Raj,” which was not only the best fighter in my possession, but was the best decoy for wild ones. Mulla Muhammad Husain of Kashmir, who in caligraphy excelled all persons of his profession, had engraved the following words on a piece of stone : “ In this delightful spot an antelope was caught by the Emperor Nuru-d din Muhammad Jahangir, which in the space of a month became entirely tame, and was considered the best of all the royal antelopes.” Out of regard to this animal I ordered that no one should hunt antelopes in this forest, and that their flesh should be considered as unlawful as that of a cow to the infidel Hindus, and as that of a hog to the Musulmans.

12.1.2

The stone of its tomb was carved into the shape of a deer. I ordered Sikandar Mai, the jagirdar of the pargana, to erect a fort in Jahangirpur. On Thursday, the 14th, we encamped in the pargana of Chandwala, and, after one intervening stage, arrived on Saturday at Hafizabad, and put up in the buildings erected under the superintendence of Mir Kiranu-d din, who held the office of krori at that station. In two marches more I reached the banks of the Chinab. On Thursday, the 21st Zi-l hijja, I crossed the river over a bridge of boats, and pitched my tents in the pargana of Gujarat. When the Emperor Akbar was proceeding to Kashmir, he built a fort on the other side of the river, and made the Gujars, who had been hitherto devoted to plunder, dwell there. The place was consequently named Gujarat, and formed into a separate pargana. The Gujars live chiefly upon milk and curds, and seldom cultivate land.

12.1.3

On Friday we arrived at Khawaspur, five kos from Gujarat, which was peopled by Khawas Khan, a servant of Sher Khan Pathan. Beyond it, after two marches, we reached the banks of the Behat, and pitched our tents there. In the night a very strong wind blew, dark clouds obscured the sky, and it rained so heavily that even the oldest persons had never seen such rain within their memory. The rain ended with showers of hailstones, which were as large as hens’ eggs. The torrent of water and the wind combined broke the bridge. I with my ladies crossed the river in a boat, and as there were but very few boats for the other men to embark on, I ordered that they should wait till the bridge was repaired, which was accomplished in a week, when the whole camp crossed the river without any trouble.

12.1.4

The source of the river Behat is a fountain in Kashmir, called Virnag. The name signifies in the Hindi language a snake, and it appears that at one time a very large snake haunted the spot. I visited this source twice during the lifetime of my father. It is about twenty kos from the city of Kashmir. The spring rises in a basin, of an octangular form, about twenty yards in length, by twenty in breadth. The vestiges of the abodes of devotees, numerous chambers made of stone, and caves, are in the neighbourhood. Its water is so clear that although its depth is said to be beyond estimation, yet if a poppy-seed be thrown in, it will be visible till it reaches the bottom. There are very fine fish in it. As I was told that the fountain was unfathomably deep, I ordered a stone to be tied to the end of a rope and thrown into it, and thus it was found that its depth did not exceed the height of a man and a half. After my accession, I ordered its sides to be paved with stones, a garden to be made round it, and the stream which flowed from it to be similarly decorated on both sides. Such elegant chambers and edifices were raised on each side of the basin, that there is scarcely anything to equal it throughout the inhabited world. The river expands much when it reaches near the village of Pampur, which is ten kos from the city.

12.1.5

All the saffron of Kashmir is the product of this village. Perhaps there is no other place in the world where saffron is so abundantly produced : the quantity annually yielded there being 500 maunds of Hindustan, or 4000 maunds of Kabul (wiláyat). I visited this place once with my father in the season in which the plant blossoms. In all other trees we see they first get the branches, then the leaves, and after all the flower. But it is otherwise with this plant. It blossoms when it is only about two inches high from the ground. Its flower is of a bluish colour, having four leaves and four threads of orange colour, like those of safflower, in length equal to one joint of the finger. The fields of saffron are sometimes a kos, sometimes half a kos in length, and they look very beautiful at a distance. In the season when it is collected, it has such a strong smell that people get headache from it. Although I had taken a glass of wine, yet I was also affected by it. I asked the Kashmirians, who were employed in collecting it, whether it took any effect upon them, and was surprised by the reply, which was, “they did not know even what the headache was.”

12.1.6

The stream that flows from the fountain of Virnag is called Behat in Kashmir, and becomes a large river, when it is joined by many other smaller ones on both sides. It runs through the city. In some places its breadth does not exceed the reach of an arrow shot from a bow. Nobody drinks its water, because it is very dirty and unwholesome. All people drink from a tank called Dal, which is near the city. The river Behat, after falling into this tank, takes its course through Barah-Mulah, Pakali, and Damtaur, and then enters the Panjab. There are many rivulets and fountains in Kashmir, but Darah-lar, which joins the Behat at the village of Shahabu-d dinpur, is the best of all the streams.

12.1.7

This village is one of the most famous places in Kashmir; and in it, in a piece of verdant land, there are nearly a hundred handsome plane trees, the branches of which interlace and afford a deep and extensive shade. The surface of the land is so covered with green that it requires no carpet to be spread on it. The village was founded by Sultan Zainu-l ’Abidin, who ruled firmly over Kashmir for fifty-two years. He is called there Baroshah, or the Great King. He is said to have performed many miracles. The remains of his many buildings are still to be seen there; and among these there is a building called Rain Lanka, which he built with great difficulty in the middle of the lake called Ulur (Wulur), about three or four in circumference. This lake is exceedingly deep. To form the foundation of the building, boat-loads of stone were thrown into the lake; but as this proved of no use, some thousands of boats laden with stones were sunk, and so with great labour a foundation of a hundred yards square was raised above the water, and smoothed. On one side of it were erected a palace and a place for the worship of God, than which no finer buildings can anywhere be found. Generally he used to come to this place in a boat, and devoted his time there to the worship of Almighty God. It is said that he passed many periods of forty days in this place. One day one of his sons came into the sacred place, with a drawn sword in his hand, with the intention of killing him.

12.1.8

But as soon as his eye fell upon him, the natural affection of the son and the royal dignity of the parent struck him with dismay, and diverted him from his purpose. After a short time the King came out, and having embarked in the same boat with his son, returned towards the city. Midway he told his son that he had left behind him his rosary, and asked him to return in a skiff and bring it to him. When the Prince went back to the building, he was amazed to find the King also there. He was exceedingly sorry for what he had done, and immediately fell at his feet, soliciting forgiveness for his conduct. The King is said to have performed many such miracles, and that he could assume any form he liked. Reflecting on the habits and manners of his sons, and knowing that they were very impatient and anxious to ascend the throne, he told them that with him it was easy to resign the crown and to die, but that they could do nothing after him, for their government would not last long, and but few days would elapse before they would see the reward of their conduct. Having said this, he left off eating and drinking, and passed forty days in the same manner. He did not even doze during this interval of time, but like a great saint he directed his whole attention to the worship of the Omnipotent God. On the fortieth day he delivered his soul to the angel of death, and met with the mercy of his Maker.

12.2.1

He left three sons, viz. Adam Khan, Haji Khan, and Bahram Khan. They quarrelled among themselves, and at last lost the dominions of their father. The sovereignty of Kashmir fell into the hands of a class called Chaks, who were formerly but common soldiers. Three rulers of this tribe constructed three buildings on the remaining three faces of the foundation which was laid by Zainu-l ’Abidin in the lake of Ulur, but none of them is so substantial as the first one built by that King. Kashmir is a delightful country in the seasons of autumn and spring. I visited it in the former season, and found it even more charming than I had anticipated. I never was there in spring, but I hope some time or other to be there during that season.

12.2.2

On Saturday, the 1st of Muharram, I marched from the bank of the Behat to Rohtas, with one stage intervening. The fort of Rohtas is one of the buildings of Sher Khan Afghan, and is constructed amongst the ravines, where it was scarcely conceivable that so strong a position could have been obtained. As this tract is near the country of the Gakkhurs, a troublesome and turbulent race, it came into his head to build this fort for the purpose of overawing and controlling them. Sher Khan died when only a portion of the work was done, but it was completed by his son Salim Khan. Over one of the doors the cost of the fort is engraven on a stone, which is set in the wall. The amount is 16,10,00,000 dams and something more, which is 34,25,000 rupees of Hindustan, 120,000 tumans of Iran, or 1,21,75,000 khanis of Turan. On Tuesday, the 4th, I marched four kos and three-quarters to Tillah, which means “a hill” in the Gakkhur language.

12.2.3

From that place I marched to the village of Bhakra, which in the language of the same people is the name of a shrub with white flowers without any odour. From Tillah to Bhakra I marched the whole way through the bed of a river, in which water was then flowing, and the oleander bushes were in full bloom, and of exquisite colour, like peach blossoms. In Hindustan this evergreen is always in flower. There were very many growing at the sides of this stream, and I ordered my personal attendants, both horse and foot, to bind bunches of the flowers in their turbans, and I directed that the turbans of those who would not decorate themselves in this fashion should be taken off their heads. I thus got up a beautiful garden. On Thursday, the 6th, Hatya was the encamping ground. On this march a great many Palas shrubs were found in blossom. This shrub is also peculiar to the jungles of Hindustan. It has no fragrance in its flowers, which are of a fiery orange colour. The trunk is black. The flowers are the size of a red rose, or even bigger. It was such a sight that it was impossible to take one’s eyes off it. As the air was very charming, and as, in consequence of a veil of clouds obscuring the light of the sun, there was a slight shower, I indulged myself in drinking wine. In short, I enjoyed myself amazingly on this march.

12.2.4

This place is called Hatya because it was founded by a Gakkhur named Hati. The country from Margalla to Hatya is called Pothuwar. Within this tract there are but few crows to be found. Between Rohtas and Hatya is the country of the Bugyals, who are of the same stock, and connected with the Gakkhurs. On Friday I marched four kos and three-quarters to Pakka, so called because it has a sarai built of baked bricks; and Pakka in the Hindi language means "baked." There was nothing but dust on the road; and in consequence of the annoyances I experienced, I found it a very troublesome march. In this place most of the sorrel brought from Kabul got injured. On Saturday, the 8th, I marched four and a half kos to a place called Khar, which means "broken ground" in the Gakkhur language. This country is very bare of trees.

12.2.5

On Sunday I pitched my camp on the other side of Rawal Pindi, so called because it was founded by a Hindu named Rawal, and Pindi in that language means "a village." Near this place there is a stream of flowing water in a ravine, which empties itself into a tank. As the place was not destitute of charms, I remained there for a short time. I asked the Gakkhurs what the depth of the water was. They gave no specific answer, and added, “We have heard from our fathers that there are alligators in this water, which wound and kill every animal that goes into it, and on this account no one dares enter it.” I ordered a sheep to be thrown into the water, which swam round the whole tank, and came out safe. After that I ordered a swimmer to go in, and he also emerged safe. It was therefore evident that there was no foundation for what the Gakkhurs asserted. The breadth of this water is about a bow-shot. On Monday I encamped at Kharbuza. The Gakkhurs in former days erected a domed structure here, in which they used to collect tolls from travellers. As the dome is in shape like a melon, it was called Kharbuza.

12.2.6

On Tuesday, the 11th, the camp moved to Kala-pani, which means in Hindi “black water.” On this march there occurs a hill called Margalla. Mdr, in Hindi, signifies “to rob on the highway,” and galla, “a caravan,”—that is, it is a place where caravans are plundered. Up to this extends the boundary of the country of the Gakkhurs. These fellows are strange animals, always squabbling and fighting with one another. I did all I could to effect a reconciliation, but without effect. “The life of fools is held very cheap in troublous times.” On Wednesday, our encamping ground was Baba Hasan Abdal. About a kos to the east of this place there is a cascade, over which the water flows with great rapidity. On the whole road to Kabul there is no stream like this, but on the road to Kashmir there are two or three of the same kind. Raja Man Singh raised a small edifice in the middle of the basin whence the water flows. There are several fish in it, of half or a quarter of a yard long. I stayed three days at this charming spot, and drank wine with my intimate companions. I also had some sport in the way of fishing. I had never, up to this time, thrown the safra net, which in Hindi they call “Bhawar Jál” and is one of the commonest kind. To throw this net is a matter of some difficulty, but I tried it with my own hand, and succeeded in getting twelve fish. I strung pearls in their noses, and let them go again in the water.

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