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Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v2.c23.s3: Section 3. Food

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v2.c23.s3

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Section 3. Food

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As is well known to students of Hindu polity, Manu and other lawgivers have laid down specific rules in connection with lawful and forbidden food.³ We shall not enter into the question whether the princes and peoples of Vijayanagara made any endeavour to conform their customs in this respect to the classical regulations. But we shall merely describe the various kinds of food in Vijayanagara, mainly, as in other instances, with the aid of foreign travellers and Hindu writers. It may not be out of place to remark here that the observations we made in connection with the country in general may be recalled, especially in view of the fact that the nature of the food which was common in Vijayanagara was the result of the physical environments, habits and customs of the people.

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¹ Caesar Frederick, Purchas, *Pilgrims*, X., p. 99.

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² Linschoten, Purchas, *Pilgrims*, X., p. 263. Cf. The above remarks on the dress of the people with those given by Watters, *Ywan Chwang*, I., pp. 148-9, 340. Heras has a few remarks to make on the subject. *I.A.*, LIV., p. 43. See also Satyanatha, *Nayaks*, p. 327. For some observations on the modern dress of the Tottigans and other people, see Nelson *Mad. Country*, P. II., pp. 18-20, 83; Francis, *Bellary Gaz.*, pp. 58-9; Hemingway, *Tanjore Gaz.* I., pp. 63-4.

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³ Manu, V, p. 169 *seq.*; Gautama, XVII; p. 265 *seq.*; *Vishnu*, LXVIII, p. 217 *seq.*; *Vasistha*, XIV, p. 69 *seq.* For rules regarding eating, Baudhayana, II., 3, 6, p. 241 *seq.*

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In the stately reception which was at first accorded to the Persian ambassador, as already remarked in connection with the foreign relations of Vijayanagara, provision was made for a daily supply of two sheep, four couple of fowls, five maunds of rice, one maund of butter, one maund of sugar and two varāha in gold.¹ According to Paes, whose notices of the nature of the country also have been cited,—" These dominions are very well cultivated and very fertile, and are provided with quantities of cattle, such as cows, buffaloes, and sheep; also of birds, both those belonging to the hills and those reared at home, and this in greater abundance than in our tracts. The land has plenty of rice and Indian corn, grains, beans, and other kind of crops which are not sown in our parts; also an infinity of cotton. Of the grains there is a great quantity, because, besides being used as food for men, it is also used for horses, since there is no other kind of barley; and this country has also much wheat and that good."²

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¹ Elliot, History of India, IV, p. 113, op. cit.

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² Sewell, For. Emp., p. 237. As regards trees, the following may be added to the remarks we have made in Volume I. Chapter II. An inscription dated A. D. 1415 describes a great number of trees in the Karṇāṭaka. E. C., VIII., P. II., Sb. 329, pp. 154-5. Pietro della Valle describes the trees at Ikkēri. Travels, II., pp. 224, 234.

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One particular feature of the houses, which we may be permitted to mention again, is that relating to the gardens and plantations. Paes in the above passage tells us that " behind cities and towns and villages they have plantations of mangoes and jack-fruit trees, and tamarinds and other very large trees, which form resting places where merchants halt with their merchandise."³ This is, however, partially true, since, as already explained, a plantation, or a tōṭa, as it is more popularly known is an indispensable adjunct to a Hindu house.⁴ Paes himself admits this while describing Nāgalāpura: "... and the said city stands in a plain, and round it the inhabitants make their gardens as the ground suits, each one being separate."¹

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³ Sewell, ibid., p. 237.

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⁴ E. C., IV., Ng. 106, p. 141, where a tōṭa is mentioned.

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 246. Sōmanātha describes gardens. *Vyāsayogi-charitam*, p. 29.

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Another special feature of the daily life of the people, which we may also be allowed to repeat, is that in connection with the weekly fairs called *sante*. Paes relates the following: "On every Friday you have a fair there, with many pigs and fowls and dried fish from the sea, and other things the produce of the country, of which I do not know the name; and in like manner a fair is held every day in different parts of the city."² Nuniz has some additional remarks to make on the condition of markets: "Everything has to be sold alive so that each one may know what he buys—this at least so far as concerns game—and there are fish from the rivers in large quantities. The markets are always overflowing with abundance of fruits, grapes, oranges, limes, pomegranates, jack-fruit, and mangoes, and all very cheap."³ The importance attached to the establishment of a weekly fair, which is evident from the manner in which assignments of land and taxes were made by the people for the officials who were in charge of it, as given in more than one epigraph cited in this treatise, may also be remembered in this connection.

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² Sewell, *Ibid.*, p. 256.

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³ *Ibid.*, p. 375; see ibid., pp. 243, 257, 258, 259 for the observations of Paes already cited. *Supra*, Volume I, Chapter II.

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In addition to fruits and vegetables the people were fond of oil. According to Paes, "The oil which it (the country) produces comes from seeds sown and afterwards reaped, and they obtain it by means of machines which they make."⁴ We are unable to determine the kind of oil which is mentioned here; and it cannot be said that this was the only kind of oil that was in popular use in Vijayanagara. The same traveller speaks of the gingelly oil in connection with the daily habits of Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya. "This king is accustomed every day to drink a *quartilho* (three-quarter pint) of oil of gingelly before daylight, and anoints himself all over with the said oil" before he begins his military exercise.¹

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⁴ *Ibid.*, p. 238.

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¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 249.

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Among vegetable products other than those mentioned above, which were in constant demand, mention must be made of the betel leaf. 'Abdur Razzāq noted the universal custom of eating this leaf. "This betel is a leaf which resembles that of an orange, but it is longer. It is held in great esteem in Hindustān, in the many parts of Arabia, and the Kingdom of Hormūs, and indeed it deserves its reputation. It is eaten in this way : they bruise a piece of areca nut, which they call supāri, and place it in the mouth ; and moistening a leaf of betel or pān together with a grain of quick-lime, they rub one on the other ; roll them up together, and place them in the mouth. Thus they place as many as four leaves together in their mouths, and chew them. Sometimes they mix camphor with it, and from time to time discharge their spittle which becomes red from the use of the betel.

v2.c23.s3.19

"This masticatory lightens up the countenance and excites an intoxication like that caused by wine. It relieves hunger, stimulates the organs of digestion, disinfects the breath, and strengthens the teeth. It is impossible to describe, and delicacy forbids me to expatiate on its invigorating and aphrodisiac virtues." The shrewd Persian ambassador, however, displays the inherent bias of a foreigner in the next passage by saying that "It is probably owing to the stimulating properties of this leaf, and to the aid of this plant, that the king of that country is enabled to entertain so large a seraglio" composed of 700 princesses and concubines.²

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² Elliot, Hist. of India, IV, p. 114; Major, India, p. 32.

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Paes also observed the use of betel leaf among the people. While describing the privileges of the dancing-women, he says : "These women (are allowed) even to enter the presence of the wives of the king, and they stay with them and eat betel with them, a thing which no other person may do, no matter what his rank may be.³ This betel is a herb which has a leaf like the leaf of the pepper, or the ivy of the country; they always eat this leaf, and carry it in their mouths with another fruit called areca. This is something like a medlar, but it is very hard, and it is very good for the breath and has many other virtues; it is the best provision for those who do not eat as we do. Some of them eat flesh; they eat all kinds except beef and pork, and yet, nevertheless, they cease not to eat this betel all day."1

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³ Supra, Chapter VI, Section 3.

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Nuniz confirms the evidence of inscriptions which, as we have already related in connection with the officials of the Government, speak of an official who carried the betel-pouch (*haḍapa*), in his description of the high dignitaries around the king. "The page who served the King with betel had fifteen thousand foot and two hundred horse, but he had no elephants."2 Next to millet which, according to Nuniz, as already seen, was "mostc onsumed in the land", came "betel (*betre*), which is a thing that in the greater part of the country they always eat and carry in the mouth".³

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³ Sewell, *ibid*, p. 366.

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Pietro della Valle observes thus about its prevalence at Ikkēri: "At the end of this visit *Vitulā Sinay* caus'd a little Silver basket to be brought full of the leaves of *Betle*, (an herb which the *Indians* are always eating, and to the sight not unlike the leaves of Cedars) and, giving it to the Ambassador, he told him that he should present it to the Captain, the Custom being so in *India* for the person visited to give *Betle*-leaves to the visitant, where-with the visit ends."4 The same traveller in an earlier connection wrote the following, while describing one of the banian trees: "Round about it are fastened Flowers and abundance of a plant, whose leaves resemble a Heart, call'd here *Pan*, but in other places of India, *Betle*. These leaves the Indians use to champ or chaw all day long, either for health's sake or entertainment and delight (as some other Nations for the same reasons, or rather through evil custome, continually take Tobacco). And therewith they mix a little ashes of sea-shells and some small pieces of an Indian nut sufficiently common, which here they call *Foufel*, and in other places *Areca*; a very dry fruit, seeming within like perfect wood; and being of an astringent nature they hold it good to strengthen the Teeth. Which mixture, besides its comforting the stomach, hath also a certain biting taste, wherewith they are delighted; and as they chaw it, it strangely dyes their lips and mouths red, which also they account gallant; but I do not, because it appears not to be natural. They swallow down only the juice after long mastication and spit out the rest. In visits, 'tis the first thing offer'd to the visitants; nor is there any society or pastime without it.' (Here Pietro refers us to some authors who have written on this plant).¹

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 242.

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² Ibid., p. 327, n. (3). See also p. 230 where Barradas speaks of the rulers of Madura having descended from the "page of the betel." See also Pietro della Valle, *Travels*, II, 255 for the function of the *haḍapa*.

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⁴ Pietro della Valle, *ibid*., II., p. 226, see also *ibid*., n. (4).

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¹ Pietro della Valle, *Travels* I, pp. 36-7. The origin of this word is perhaps to be traced to the Koṅkaṇi *phoppal*, unless there is another derivation which is non-Indian. Grey has failed to trace its origin. *Ibid.*, p. 36, n. (2). B. A. S.

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In the above passage Pietro della Valle in very clear terms points to the use of another plant in India, and this is the pepper plant. Barbosa writes thus: "Likewise much pepper is used here and everywhere throughout the kingdom, which they bring hither from Malabar on asses and pack-cattle."²

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² *Barbosa*, Dames, I, p. 203; Stanley, p. 86.

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To the remarks of Paes about the cheapness of mutton,³ already cited in another connection, we may add his observations on the many but "very unwholesome" fish in the Tuṅgabhadrā,⁴ and those of Nuniz to the following effect: "These Kings of Bisnaga eat all sorts of things, but not the flesh of oxen or cows, which they never kill in all the country of the heathen, because they worship them. They eat mutton, pork, venison, partridges, hares, doves, quail, and all kinds of birds; even sparrows and rats, and cats and lizards, all of which are sold in the market of the city of Bisnaga."¹ Allowance must be made for these exaggerated notices of Nuniz, especially if they are understood to refer to the monarchs of Vijayanagara, in the light of the saner views expressed by the other foreign travellers. Barbosa, for example, gives us a more rational account of the food of the king and the nobles. "These men eat flesh and fish and other meats, saving beef only, which is forbidden by their perverse idolatry."²

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³ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 258, op. cit.

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⁴ *Ibid.*, p. 259.

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¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 375.

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² Barbosa, I, Dames, p. 217, and n. (1); Stanley, p. 93. To assert the following, relying only on the evidence of Nuniz, without corroborating it with that given by other contemporary witnesses and inscriptions, is a very undesirable method of judging the past. "Great laxity seems to have prevailed in matters of diet; and although Nuniz writes that the Brahmans, whom he describes as the cream of Vijayanagar population, never killed or ate any live thing". Iswari Prasad, *Med. Ind.*, p. 438. The Brahmans were "the cream of the Vijayanagar population" only to a certain extent: there were others and equally venerable classes, the Jainas and the Liṅgāyats. It is wrong to say that only the Brahmans "never killed or ate any live thing". Barbosa thus writes about the Liṅgāyas: "They also eat no flesh nor fish". Dames, I, p. 218; Stanley p. 94. Although foreigners have ignored the existence of the Jainas, yet it is obvious that they too were as careful and considerate as the Brahmans and the Liṅgāyats in their diet. For Nuniz's notices of the royal kitchen, see Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 371 op. cit.

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Some conjecture has been made as regards the place from where people ate their meals.³ We may however rely on the evidence of epigraphs on this question. In the generality of cases, according to the ancient traditions, leaves were used while eating food, although the people were not ignorant of plates. An inscription Śaka 1446 (A. D. 1524-5) informs us that in the times of Tirumala Dēva Mahārāya, Sūraparāja, Agent of Vākiṭi Āḍeppa Nāyingāru, freed the *Tammaḷa* servants of the temple of Sōmēśvara at Gōraṇṭla from supplying leaves (used in eating food) to that temple free of cost, on condition that they repaired the temple, built the Sikhara, and constructed a compound wall of mud.¹ So late as A. D. 1680 or thereabouts certain Gaudas built a village called Bayaṭānagere at the place where the leaves on which they ate their food fell.²

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³ Gribble, *Hist. of the Deccan*, I, pp. 71-2; Chablani, *Economic Conditions*, pp. 84-5.

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¹ 91 of 1912; Rangachari, Top List., I, Ap. 48, p. 8.

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² E. C., VII., Ci 83, p. 195. For the use of drinking cups, see Sarkar Pos. Back. I, p. 84.

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Before we deal with the description of the Hindu dishes by writers, we may note briefly the remarks of foreigners on some etiquette while eating. ³ Abdur Razzāq relates the following while describing the attempt that was made on the life of Dēva Rāya II. "The brother of the king had constructed a new house, and invited the king and the nobles of state to an entertainment. The custom of the infidels is, not to eat in the presence of one another."³ The observations of Nuniz on this subject are more pertinent. He describes the plot got up by the nephew of a king whom he calls "Pinarao". "And he, making all ready, as soon as they were in his house, being at table, they were all slain by daggers thrust by men kept in readiness for that deed. This was done without any one suspecting it, because the custom there is to place on the table all that there is to eat and drink, no man being present to serve those who are seated, nor being kept outside, but only those who are going to eat; and because of their thus being alone at table, nothing of what passed could be known to the people they had brought with them."⁴ Whether it was a universal custom not to have any one to serve those who were seated is a debatable point. It may have been due in this particular instance to the precautions which the guilty prince took to carry his plot to a successful issue.

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³ Elliot, Hist. of India, IV, p. 115. The Persian Ambassador evidently means by "the presence of one another" strangers, especially of the low castes. B. A. S.

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⁴ Sewell, For Emp., p. 303.

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For a detailed account of the dishes common among the people we have to read the descriptions of the Hindu poets. Terakaṇāmbi Bommarasa (circa 1485) says:

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ಬಟ್ಟವೆರಿವಿಯೋ ಮಂಜಿನೊಟ್ಟುಳಿ | ಬಟ್ಟತಾದುದೊ ಅಮೃತಸವಳ | ವಟ್ಟುವೃತ್ತದ ಪಿಂಡವಾದುದೊ ಚಂದ್ರಿಕೆಯೆ ಬಂದು || ಘಟ್ಟಗೊಂಡಿತೊ ಎನಲು ನೋರ್ವಿರ | ದಿಟ್ಟಿಗೋಲವನು ಮನಕೆಹರುಷವ | ಪುಟ್ಟಿಪುದ್ದಿನ ಕಡಬುಸಿದರು ನೃಪರು ಮನನಲೆಯೆ || ತಿಲದ ಮಾಷಾದ್ಯಖಿಲ ಚೂರ್ಣಂ | ಗಳನು ತೆಂಗಿನಕಾಯ ತುರಿಯನು | ಲಲನೆಯರು ಕರೀವೇವಿನೆಲೆ ಯೇಲಕ್ಕಿಗಳ ಬೆರಸಿ || ಹಿಡಿದು ಜಂಬೀರೋದಕವ ಹದ | ಗೊಳಿಸಿ ಲವದಿಂ ಕಪ್ಪುರದಿ ಪರಿ | ಮಳಿಸ ಬದಣಿಕಾಯ ಬಜ್ಜಿಯ ತಂದು ಬಡಿಸಿದರು || ಸುರಿದು ಹುಳಿ ಮೇಲೋಣಗರವ ಚ | ಪ್ಪರಿದು ಮುಪ್ಪಿನಕಾಯ ಕೈಯಲಿ | ಮುರಿದು ಹಪ್ಪಳಗಳನ್ನು ಮೆಲುತೊಲವಿಂದ ಪಟ್ಟ ದಿಯ || ನೇಯಿಸಯುತಾ ತಾಳಿದಂಗಳ | ಕೇರಿನಜಿದು ಸಾಧಿ ಸುತಲಾ ನೆಲ | ದೇಯಿಯರೂಟವ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದರು ಬೆಹ್ಯದಣವಂತೆ ||¹

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¹ *Kavicharite*, II, pp. 130-1. Cf. The different kinds of dishes mentioned in the Ambāsamudra inscription of Varaguṇa-Pāṇḍya (9th century). *Ep. Ind.*, IX, p. 22; the description given by poet Śāntinātha (circa 1068), *Kavicharite*, II, p. 9. See also *Kavicharite*, I, p. 327 for different kinds of *bhaksha* as narrated in the *Pārśvanātha-purāṇa*. The dishes of southern India may be compared with those of the north. Watters' *Yuan Chwang*, I, p. 178.

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The superficiality of some of the remarks of Nuniz is apparent from the above description in which women are said to serve the dishes during a Hindu dinner.

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The poet Maṅgarasa (III) in about A. D. 1508 gives us details of the recipes of four kinds of dishes in his work *sūpaśāstra*. Thus about *ghariviḷaṅgāyi*:

v2.c23.s3.49

ಹುರಿದ ತೆಂಗಾಯಿ ನಸುಬೆಂದ ಬೇಳೆಯ ಹೆಸರು | ಹುರಿದು ಬೇಯಿಸಿದ ಸೊಜ್ಜಿಗೆಯವನು ಕೂಡಿ ಸ |

v2.c23.s3.50

ಕ್ಯರೆಯಿಕ್ಕೆ ಕಪೂರವನು ತಳಿದು ಪಿಂಡಮಂ ಮಾಡಿಯೇ ಸಣ್ಣನಾಗಿ ||
ಅರೆದಕ್ಕಿಯೊಳಗಿದ್ದ ಹೊಜ್ಜ ಹೊಸತುಪ್ಪದೊಳು |
ಹಿರಿದು ಹಸನಾಗಿ ಬೇಯಿಸಿ ತೆಗೆದು ತುಪ್ಪವಿಡೆ |
ಫರಿವಳಂಗಾಯೆಂದು ಪೆಸವಡೆದು ನಾಲಗೆಯಕೊನೆಗೆ ಪೀಯೂಷವಾಯ್ತು ||

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Then about *hālagārige*:

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ಉತ್ತಮದ ಸೊಜ್ಜಿಗೆಯ ನೆನಪಿ ನೀರಂ ಹಿಂಡಿ |
ಮತ್ತದಕೆ ಬಟ್ಟವಾಲ್ತಿಳಿದುಪ್ಪಮಂ ತಳಿದು |
ಮೆತ್ತನಪ್ಪಂತು ಮಿದಿದಿರಿಸುದದಿದ್ಧ ಹಾಲೊಳಗೆಕ್ಕರಿಸಿದಕ್ಕಿಯ ||
ಒತ್ತಹಾಲಂಡೆಜಿದು ಸವೆದ ಕಣಿಕದೊಳು ಬೆರ |
ಸುತ್ತ ಸಕ್ಕರೆಯ ಪಾಕದೊಳ್ಕಿ ಪರಿಮಳವ |
ಸೊತ್ತರಿಸಿ ತುಪ್ಪದೊಳು ಬೇಯಿಸಿದ ಹಾಲಗಾರಿಗೆ ಪಿರಿದು ಸವದೋಲಿದೇ ||

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As regards *savudu-roṭṭi* we have the following:

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ನವನೀತಮಂ ಕೆನೆಯುಮಂ ಬೆರಸಿ ಕಣಿಕಮಂ |
ಸವೆವಂತೆ ಕುಟ್ಟು ಬಟ್ಟಲವಾಡಿ ಹಪ್ಪಳದ |
ಸಮನಾಗಿಯೊತ್ತಿ ಯಿಮ್ಮೈಗೆ ಬಿಗ್ನೆಯತೊಡೆದು ನಾಲ್ವೈದು ಕಲ್ಲದುಕಿ ಕಲ್ಲ ||
ಅವರಿರಡಮೈಗೆ ಪಿಟ್ಟಯ ಬಟ್ಟಲಂ ಕವಿಸಿ |
ಹವಣಿದು ಹಂಚಿನೊಳು ಸುಟ್ಟು ಪಿಟ್ಟಯನು ತೆಗೆ |
ದವಳೆ ತುಪ್ಪವ ನಿಕ್ಕಲವು ಸವ್ರದು ರೊಟ್ಟ್ವೆಸರಂ ಪಡೆದು ರಂಜಿಸುವುವು ||

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Thus the constituents of *himāmbū-pānaka*:

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ಉದಕದೊಳಗೆ ಸಕ್ಕರೆಯಿಕ್ಕಿ ಕರಗಿಸುವ |
ಹದನರಿದು ದಾಳಿಂಬ ಮಾದಲದ ಹುಳಿಯಿಕ್ಕಿ |
ಸದಕಿದೆ (?) ಅಕ್ಕಿ ಹಸಿಯಲ್ಲಮಂ ಹಾಕಿ ಬೆಂಡೆಯ ಬೇರಿನಿಂದ ತಿರುಪಿ ||
ಕದಡಿ ಪನನೀರ ಸೇವಂತಿಗೆಯ ಹೂವಿಕ್ಕಿ |
ಯದನು ಸೇವಂತಿಯಂ ಪೋರೆದ ಮಡಕೆಯೊಳರಿಸಿ |
ಜದುರರಂತದಕೆ ಸಲೆಸೊಗಯಿಪ ಹಿಮಾಂಬುಪಾನಕವೆಂದು ಹೆಸರಿದುವು ||¹

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¹ Kavicharite, II, pp. 184-5.

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The same poet gives us an exquisite description of a Hindu dinner (*bhōjana*) thus:

v2.c23.s3.59

ದೊನ್ನೆಯಂ ಹರಪಿ ಬಾರಿತೆಲೆಹಳೆಯಂ ಹಾಕಿ |
ಚಿನ್ನದೆ ಮಾಡಿದಾಚೌಕ ದೆದೆಗಳ ಮುಂದೆ |
ಒನ್ನಿ ವಾರವ ಮೇಲಕ್ಕೈತಿ ಕಿರಿಸುತುತ್ತಮಂ ತೆಗೆದು ಸದಿಲಿಸಿ ಧೋತ್ರಮಂ ||

v2.c23.s3.60

ಚೆನ್ನಾಗಿ ಯಾಪೋಷನಮನೆತ್ತಿ ಕುಳ್ಳಿರ್ದು | ಘನ್ನ ರುಚಿಮಾಡಿ ಹರಿಸದೆ ಗಡ್ಡ ಮೀಸೆಗಳು | ಮಂ ನೀವಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತೆ ಭೋಜನವಸಿಂತು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದರ್‍ರಾ ಪಾವರ್‍ರು || ಓಗರವತಾ ತೊಗೆಯನಿಕ್ಕು ಹಸನಾಯ್ತು ಮೇ | ಲೋಗರವ ಬಡಿಸು ದೊನ್ನೆ ಗಳ ಹಿಡಿವಂಕೆಯುಂ | ಟಾಗಿ ಹೇರಿದುಪ್ಪೆಜಿಂಯಾ ಪಳದ್ಯಮನಟ್ಟು ಕಲಸುವೋಗರವ ತೋಲೋವಾ || ಬೇಗದಂದೆಡೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದ ಲಗೆ ದೋಸೆಗಳ | ಮೇಗೆ ಸಕ್ಕರೆ ಬಟ್ಟವಾಲ ಹೊಯ್ಕೆನುತ ಮಾ | ರೋಗಳೆಮುನಾ ಪೋಟ್ಯೊಡೆವ ಮರ್ಯಾದೆಯೊಳಗುಂಡು ತೇಗುತಿದರ್‍ರು || ಪಾಯಸದ ಪರಿಗಳಂ ನೋಡಿ ಪಂಡಿತರೆ ಸವಿ | ಯಾಯತೀಯಾಯ್ತುಪಾಧ್ಯಾಯರೇ ಶರಬಿಗೆಯ | ಕಾಯ ದೋಸೆಗಳ ಹಸನಂ ಪುರೋಹಿತರೆ ಚೆನ್ನಾಗಿ ಸವಿಸವಿದು ನೋಡಿ || ಈ ಯೆಣ್ಣೆ ಯೂರಿಗೆ ಮೃದುತರಕೆ ಸರಿಯುಂಟಿ | ಜೋಯಿಸರೆ ಕೇಳ ಸಕ್ಕರೆ ಬುರುಡೆಗಳ ನಮ್ಮ | ಬಾಯ ಬಬಿನಂ ಬಿಡಿಸುತಿವೆ ದೀಕ್ಷಿ ತರೆ ಎಂದು ಕೊಂಡಾಡುತಿದರ್‍ರಾಗು||¹

v2.c23.s3.61

¹ Kavicharite, II p. 188. Only those who are acquainted with the life and customs of the Karnataka and other south Indian people can appreciate the accuracy with which Mangarasa has described a meal, from the moment the people sit with the donne and leaves before them to the final scenes of appreciation. It is impossible to convey adequately the touch of humour in the above passages. B. A. S.

v2.c23.s3.62

That we may have some idea of the domestic conditions in a Hindu home in the seventeenth century, the following from poet Aṇṇāji (circa 1600) about an ūṭa may be noted :

v2.c23.s3.63

ಕಟ್ಟುಗೊಗರಗಳು ಕಲಸೋಗರವ ಪಾಯಸವು |
ನಿಟ್ಟಿಸಲು ಗೋಮೇಧಿಕದ ಸಾರವೆಂದೆನಿಸಿ |
ಬಟ್ಟಬಟ್ಟಲೊಳು ತುಂಬಿಸೆವ ಸದ್ಯೋಘೃತವು ಹೇರಿದುಪ್ಪವಕ್ಕಿದುಪ್ಪು ||
ಮುಟ್ಟು ಬೊಟ್ಟದುವಂತೆ ಕಾಸಿದ್ ಬಿಸಿವಾಲು |
ತೊಟ್ಟನೊಳೆ ಪಸುರದಗದಿದ್ ಉಪ್ಪಿನಕಾಯಿ |
ಕಟ್ಟಳೆಯ ಲವಣಾಮ್ಮದಿಂದಾದ ಶಾಕಮಂತಾದ ಊಟವ ತಂದರು ||²

v2.c23.s3.64

² Ibid., II, pp. 336-7. For dishes as described by Lakshmīśa, read Jaimini Bhārata, Sandhi, vv. 22-3, p. 117. (Sanderson).

v2.c23.s3.65

But for those who could not afford to command the delicacies of home, there was the *miṭhāyi-aṅgaḍi* (sweetmeat shop) about which too the same poet writes thus :

v2.c23.s3.66

ಕರಜಿಗೆಯ ಕಾಯಿಯ ತಿರಸವೃದ್ಧಿ ನೋಡಯ್ಯ ಹಿಮ |
ಕರನಂತೆ ರಾಜಿಸುವ ಇಡ್ಲಿಗೆ ಯೆಳ್ಯಂಡೆ |
ತರಣಿ ಮಂಡಲದಂತೆಯೆಸೆವ ಒಬ್ಬಟ್ಟು ಗಾರಗೆಯ ಚಕ್ಕಲಿ ಸೇವಗೆ ||
ಹೊರೆಯಪೇಣೆಯು ಮನೋಹರದುಂಡೆಯರಗುಸ |
ಕೈ ಬೂರುಡೆ ಹಾಲುಂಡಲಿಗೆಯು ಸ್ವಾದಿಸಲಮೃತ |
ಸರಳಸಿಂ ನಿರ್ಮಿಸಿದ ಲತೆಯಂತೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲಬಿಯ ಅಂಗಡಿಗಳೆಸೆ ದಿದುವು¹

v2.c23.s3.67

¹ *Kavicharite*, II. pp. 336-7.

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