Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Derived Languages c10: Lecture V. Remnants of the Older Grammatical Forms in the Northern Vernaculars

Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Derived Languages c10

Language: English

c10.157 — 4 parts

Lecture V. Remnants of the Older Grammatical Forms in the Northern Vernaculars

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I have already directed your attention to the accent on the penultimate syllable of words in the vernaculars of Northern India and the effect it has had in mutilating and transforming the Sanskrit and Prâkṛit words existing in their vocabularies. Through its influence, you will remember, the final vowel or the vowel of the last syllable is shortened in some cases and often entirely dropped and the word ends in a consonant or silent अ. When the consonant of the last syllable is dropped in consequence of the Prâkṛit law of the elision of uninitial consonants the final vowel and the vowel of the penultimate syllable are brought together and when they are in this condition it is possible for them to unite into one sound and thus the final vowel is dropped in some cases and combined with the preceding in others. The Sindhî, however, oftentimes resists the influence of this accent as I have already mentioned. Now on account of these processes the nominative singular termination ओ of masculine Prâkṛit nouns ending in अ is sometimes shortened to उ and in this form we have it in the Sindhî and in old Marâṭhî and Hindî literature. In the other dialects including the modern Marâṭhî and Hindî it is dropped except in rare instances such as वाटसरु M. and आयसु ‘command’ H. The Prâkṛit plural terminations आ and ए of this case are also dropped everywhere for the same reason and we have such forms as हाथ S., हाथ H., हात M. G. &c. for the nom. pl. and these are the sing. forms also except in the case of the Sindhî, which has ह्यु. In the Prâkṛit the plurals of the nominative and accusative cases of all nouns are alike and so are they alike in the vernaculars. The analogy came to be extended to the singulars also in the Apabhraṁśa and accordingly the singulars of the two cases are the same in the vernaculars. An independent accusative case made up by affixing a termination to a noun is given in ordinary grammars; but it has the sense of the dative, or rather of the Sanskrit genitive which expresses relation in general. Thus we say मी काम करितों M. ‘I do a work’, हूं काम करूं हूं G., आंघ कसु थो कर्या S., मै कम करदा P., मै काम करता हूं H., आमि or मुइ काम करि or करिते छि B., मु कर्म करु आछि O., in which instances काम etc. are really accusatives and we do not use कामास, कामने, कमखे, कमतु, कामको, कामके, and कर्मकु, which forms are generally referred to the accusative. The masculine nom. and acc.

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sing. form in अ was in the Apabhraṁśa extended by analogy to the neuter singular also and, though the peculiar neuter plural termination was preserved, the fact shows that in the vernacular speech of the times there was a tendency to forget the distinction between the two genders. Accordingly we now find that in the Sindhî, the Panjâbî, the Hindî, Bangâlî and Oriya the distinction is entirely lost. In Gujarâtî also nouns ending in अ have retained none of the two neuter terminations but the Prâkṛit and Apabhraṁśa ई plural of that gender exists in the Marâṭhî combined with the preceding अ into एं as फळ ‘a fruit’ sing., फळें ‘fruits’ pl. This neuter pl. termination is applied in Hindî, Sindhî, and Panjâbî to pl. of fem. nouns ending in अ as in रातें ‘nights’ H., जालां ‘women’ S. and गल्ली ‘words’ P., though the ई is changed to आ in the last two cases. The change of the final syllables अओ of Prâkṛit words resulting from such Sanskrit words as आम्रातकः-को, पारदः-दो, दीपकः-को etc. to आ by the dropping of the final and lengthening of the penultimate through the force of the general accent on the penultimate in some of the modern dialects such as the Marâṭhî and the Hindî and to ओ into which the two vowels are combined in consequence of the weakness of the accent in such languages as the Gujarâtî and the Sindhî and in some of the minor dialects of the Marâṭhî, has already been noticed in the last lecture. Similarly the change of the Prâkṛit final syllables of neuter nouns अअं or अयं arising from such Sanskrit words as कदलकम्, मस्तकम् have been changed to ईं in the Marâṭhî and to ॲ in Gujarâtî and to आं in some of the dialects of the Marâṭhî. This also has been explained. The pl. of such neuter nouns, most of which are formed by the addition of क and may be called augmented nouns, is formed by the addition of the Apabhraṁśa ई, which being rendered emphatic by the nasal sound absorbs the previous अ or light य and thus we have केळीं for Ap. कअलअ+ई=Skr. कदलक+आनि. Fem. nouns in इ or ई add आं as घोडी-घोडियां H., घोडिआं P. This यां or आं represents the combination of य or अ with ई; such nouns as घोडी being derived from घोटिका=घोडिआ. In Panjâbî after fem. nouns in आ the ई appears distinct, as बला a calamity, बलाई nom. pl. In Sindhî the neuter termination is added to the original Prâkṛit fem. pl. उ, shortened from ओ, as घोड्यू ‘mares’ nom. pl.; हचा ‘murder,’ हचाऊं ‘murders;’ जाल a ‘woman,’ जालं ‘women’ nom. pl. This last has जालां also like the P. रातां. In Marâṭhî also it is not very unusual to speak of women in the neuter pl. when respect is intended as राणीसाहेब आलीं. This transference of neuter termination to the fem. must have taken place when genders began to be confused in the Apabhraṁśa period. The nom. pl. termination of masc. nouns, which in the Prâkṛit was आ, is preserved by the class of nouns we have been considering, *i. e.* augmented nouns, in Sindhî and Gujarâtî; while the ए of the Prâkṛit acc. pl. is used for those nouns in the Marâṭhî and its dialects and the Hindî and the Panjâbî. When the two cases were thoroughly confounded one can easily see how this came to pass. Other or unaugmented nouns have dropped both the terminations in all the languages as has been already noticed.

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The Marâṭhî has preserved the Apabhraṁśa instr. sing. णं which is used after nouns in अ and the plural हिं reduced to ईं. In all the modern languages the णं of the Apabhraṁśa forms is dropped. These terminations are appended to the old instrumental termination न and we have नें and नीं which are now ordinarily used. These you will see are double forms and of such we have many in the various languages. Goan., Mâl. and Chit. have न for the sing. and the last has ईं for the pl. The loc. Apabhraṁśa हिं from the Pâli म्हि and the Skr. स्मिन् is also used as घरीं गेला; this is peculiar to nouns in अ, and in old Marâṭhî it is reduced to आं after the augmented nouns in आ; as गळां, माथां etc. There are instances of the other locative in ए such as मध्ये and मते ( माझ्या मते तुम्ही जावे 'you should go in my opinion,' where मते is hardly an instrumental ); but here evidently the termination ए is confounded with एं of the instrumental and we have माझ्या मतें, lit. "by my opinion." The dative ला is generally considered a remnant of the Skr. स्य and Pr. स्स. But I have not found it in the Jñâneśvarî and in its place we have शीं in the old poets, which is connected with a similar post-position in other languages which will be considered hereafter. None of the minor dialects of the language have anything like it, but still the derivation may be correct.

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Gujarâtî has the old instrumental in ए but it is confounded with the corresponding ए of the fem. and with the locative ए and we have one termination for both, with the nasal dropped. The shortened Apabhraṁśa form in ई is found in old Gujarâtî. It is confounded with that in ई the anusvâra being dropped.

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(1) कान्हतणइ संपत्ति इसी जिंदह घरि रिद्धि ......... राजभवनि नवनिधि, ‘The wealth or affluence of Kanha was as great as that of Indra.’ *From the chronicle of Kanhadade-prabandha given in the Gujarati School-paper.*

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(2) पछि हूं माहरी गमि आव्यो । पछि बीजे दिनि. *Panchopâkhyân, the story of Hiranyaka.*

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In this latter, however, there occurs an anusvâra, should which be correct, the termination is a remnant of हिं. The Gujarâtî has also the double instrumental णें in pronouns, as तेणें, जेणें, etc.

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The Sindhî has got the ablative terminations आं, ओं, ऊं, अउ and आउ. The first is from the pronominal instrumental हि of the Apabhramśa and हआ of the Prâkṛit, ओं and ऊं from the हुं of the former and अउ and आउ from the corresponding Prâkṛit. The locative ए and its shortened form इ are also preserved, but they are used after nouns in अ as in the older dialects, as खुदि or खुहे पिओ ‘he fell into a well.’

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The Panjâbî possesses the old abl. in हूं with the ह dropped and the उ amalgamated with the preceding अ into ओं as घरों ‘from a house’, the locative pl. हिं as घरीं ‘in the house’, the instrumental pl. हिं as उसदे हथीं ‘by the hands’ and the locative sing. in ए as उसदे दरगाहे ‘in his court.’ The instr. in नै is also ordinarily used in the form of नैं.

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The Hindî has scattered instances of the loc. in ं, but the instrumental ने is common. The Bangâlî has preserved the former. The instrumental also has ए, though the grammarians do not give it, as—

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सरोवर मध्ये हंस देखि रूपवती।
धरिवार मानसे चलिल शीघ्र गति ॥
शुनिया भैमीर मन अनङ्गे पीडिल।

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‘The beautiful one having seen the swan in the lake went in haste with a desire to catch it.’

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‘Having heard (this) the heart of Bhaimî was oppressed by love.’

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गगनथाले केमन दीपरूपे अनुक्षण
शोभि छे शशीतपन.

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‘How do the moon and the sun in the form of lamps shine in the plate of the sky !’

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The Oriyâ also possesses the loc. in ए and as in the B. and G. it is confounded with the instr. in एं, the nasal being lost, as हातें ‘in or by the hand.’ This dialect has the Pr. abl. in उ also as हातु ‘from the hand.’

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The nom. pl. ओ or उ of fem. nouns in आ or ई is preserved in the Mâl., Goan. and Chit. as जीभ, जिभो; साडी, साड्यो; and घोडी, घोढ्यो; but the two latter are derived from the Skr. शाटिका and घोटिका which are nouns ending in आ. The final आ, which alone remains after the elision of the consonant क, is dropped in consequence of the penultimate accent and we have साडी and घोडी. The ओ or उ of the plural of the original Prâkṛit साडिआओ-उ is also dropped like the ओ or उ of घोडओ-उ in the ordinary Marâṭhî साडी and घोडी and, just as the previous vowel in this last is lengthened in consequence of the accent and the resulting form is घोडा, so the previous आ of साडिआओ-उ and घोडिआओ-उ being accented remains and we have साड्या and घोड्या for साडिआ and घोडिआ, but in the dialects of the Marâthî in which the ओ or उ of Masc. nouns in the sing. is preserved we have घोडो, कांटो etc.; so also is the ओ-उ of the fem. preserved and we have साड्यो, घोड्यो etc. As to unaugmented fem. nouns in इ or ई the final is, of course, dropped by the penultimate accent, but in the plural it is preserved being accented and the termination of the plural ओ-उ which is unaccented is dropped as वेल sing., वेली pl., Skr. वल्लि, ‘creeper’; बहिण sing., बहिणी pl., Skr. भगिनी, ‘sister’; कूस sing., कुसी-शी pl. ‘sides’; केळ sing., केळी pl., Skr. कदली etc. As in the dialects of the Marâthî the pl. ओ is preserved in Gujarâtî; but there it is transferred to the pl. of all nouns whatever and the process is going on even in our times, being extended to the masc. nouns ending in ओ also, which formed their nom. and acc. pl. formerly by adding आ, as घोडो sing., घोडा pl., but now often घोडाओ. The Sindhî also has preserved the fem. उ, as I have already observed, but the nasal of the neuter is combined with it to form the nom. and acc. pl.

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The nom. sing. of the relative pronoun is जो in M. H. P. S. and जे in G. O. and B. has जेउं also. The ए of the latter is another form of the nom. ओ to be traced perhaps to the old Mâgadhî nom. sing. as in एसे पुलिसे for Skr. एष पुरुषः The correlative is तो in M. and H. and ते in G. and सो in P. S. and ते in B. and O. The Hindî has सो also. The तो is the old Pr. nom. sing.; but the oblique base in P. S. B. & O. is the old त. The base of the interrogative pronoun is क as in the older languages. The nom. sing. is कौन H., कौण P. and कोण G. M. and के O. and B.—also केउं O. The कोण and its varieties are to be traced to the Pr. कउण which stands for the Skr. कः पुनः. The near demonstrative is इह or एह in H. P. nom. sing. which is also pronounced in other ways; and the nom. pl. is ये. The first is to be referred to the Ap. एहो, Pr. एसो, Skr. एषः; and the latter to आये Ap. The अय of the Skr. अयम् is generalised in this language and is to be found in all the cases of the pronoun. Hence आये is the nom. pl. The G. has ए, M. हा m., ही fem., हें n.,—dial. हो-ही-ह्यां for the nom. sing., and the regular हे m. ह्या fem. ह्रीं n. for the pl.; O has ए, एहि, इहि nom. sing., and B. ए all of which are from the Ap. एहो-एह or एहु. The general obl. base is य or ह in M., ए G., इ or हि S., and इ in the rest, the origin of which is the same, M. य, however, being referred to the Ap. आय which is the generalised form of इदम्. The distant demonstrative has उ for its base. The nom. sing. in H. is उ, ओ, वह, pl. वे; in P. उह, S. हू and हो and B. ओ for both. The S. has ऊ also for the sing., G. has ओ for the sing. and its usual आओ for the pl. All these are to be derived from the Ap. ओ nom. and acc. pl., ओइ traced to असु of the Skr. pronoun अदम्. The M. and O. have lost this pronoun.

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The nom. sing. of the first personal pronoun in M. is मी and Chit. मे both of which are to be traced to the Ap. acc. instr. and loc. मई, Pr. मइ, Skr. मया and मयि. The Goan. has हांव, the G. हूं, old H. dialects हौ, हु, the Dogar dialect of the P. हउं, which are all from the Ap. हउं to be traced to the Skr. अहकम्,* the उ of which is, you will remember, that of the nom. sing. which in that dialect was freely used as the G. ओ is at present. The Sindhî आउं and आं are further corruptions of these. H. P. have also मैं like the Chit. मे, the origin of both being the same. The B. & O. have मुइ and मु which may be traced to the Ap. abl. and gen. sing. मह, but I should prefer considering the इ of the Ap. and M. forms to be changed to उ in consequence of the usual fondness of the B. and O. for the उ sound as noticed in the last lecture.

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The pl. of this pronoun in M. is आह्मी, dial. आमी, B. आमि, which is the same as the Ap. अम्हइ traced by me to the Skr. अस्मके. The G. अमे and the O. अम्हे are from the usual Ap. and Pr. form अम्हे from अम्मे generalised from the usual Skr. base अस्म by false analogy. In अम्मे ह्म is changed to म्ह as it often is. The H. हम is this अम्हे but the aspiration is transferred to the initial अ and the म to which it is attached in the older and the other dialect is left free. The termination ण् is also dropped. The S. and P. have असीं. Skr. म is sometimes changed in the Pr. to स as in the Mâgadhî and Mah. from locative; but in the written Prâkṛits that have been handed down to us the अस्म of अस्मद् is not found corrupted to स. It may, however, have been so in some part of the country. The second person sing. is तूं in all the languages except B. which has तुइ. The H. has तैं also. Of these तूं is the same as the Ap. तुह, the ह of this dialect being as you know dropped throughout; and तुह and तैं are transferred from the instrumental. The pl. is तुह्मी in M. from the Ap. तुम्हइ similar to अम्हइ and the B. तुमि is softened from this. The G. has तमे softened from तुम्हे the उ being changed to अ by a peculiarity of the Gujarâtî, which has been fully noticed in the last lecture. In the O. तुह् the final प् is dropped and a softened form of this is the Hindi तुम. The P. has तुसीं to be derived from तुष्म or युष्म in the same way as असीं from अस्म. The S. has तव्हीं, तवीं, तहीं, तईं, अव्हीं, अवी, अहीं, आईं and अंइं. In तव्हीं we have the अ to which इ is reduced as in G. and the म् of ही analysed into its labial and nasal elements. The other three are softened forms of this same, and in the rest the initial त is dropped as we have seen it dropped in the Pr. in the bases उह for तुह, उज्झ for तुज्झ, उम्भ for तुम्भ and उयह for तुह both of which exist in that dialect.

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∗ Mr. Beames traces them to हउ Ap., अहमम् Skr., but such forms do not exist. Prof. Lassen to whom he refers only conjectures अहमं to account for अहअं, but अहअं is clearly derived from अहकम् which exists even in Skr. The reading हउ in the passage from Kramadîsvara given by Lassen is questionable. Hemachandra has हउ distinctly and the form occurs in many verses.

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The Skr. conjugational distinction is, you will remember, lost in the Prâkṛits; but the increments that roots undergo in the several classes are preserved and made parts of the roots themselves. Now these roots so augmented have descended to the vernaculars. Thus we have बिह old M. G. ‘to fear’ from the Skr. बिभी of the 3rd class; बुझ M. G. ‘to understand’, सिझ M. ‘to be cooked,’ विझ S. ‘to throw,’ नाच M. G. H.,etc. ‘to dance,’ उपज M. G. ‘to be born’, निपज M. G. ‘to issue forth’, जुझ M. ‘to fight,’ माझ M. G. ‘to be maddened’ and खिझ old M. G. ‘to be sad’ from the Skr. बुध्, सिव्, विध्, नृत्य, उत्पध्, निष्पध्, युध्, माब् & खिब्, all belonging to the 4th class; सुन or सुण H. S. B. P. O. from Skr. श्रु of the 5th; जाण M. G. H. P. etc. ‘to know’, क्रिण B. O. ‘to buy’ and गिणह S. ‘to take’ from the Skr. जाना, क्रीणा and गृहा of the 9th class. We have roots also in the forms which they have in the second and sixth classes, as न्हा and जा from स्ना and या of the 2nd and लिख, लिह, तुट, फुट, लिंप M. लिंब S., कांत, ( Skr. कुन्त ) also काट ‘to cut,’ सिंच from the 6th.

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Of the three Pr. tenses and moods the Marâṭhî has preserved two, the Present and the Imperative. The third, viz. the Future, is not lost, but the form became by phonetic corruption similar to those of the Present and you will remember, that the difference between the two tenses consisted in the intercalatory स्य, afterwards dissolved into स, and thence softened to ह, which having dropped its ह in the vernaculars melted away and another sign had to be added to the Present forms to indicate the Future. The Present was used in old Marâṭhî and is used even at present in poetry, but in ordinary speech it has acquired a past habitual sense. It has a potential signification in some cases as मी येईं तेथपर्यंत तेथें थांब. In the Gujarâtî it has acquired a potential sense in addition to the old and, to indicate present time distinctly, the forms of the present tense of the substantive verb are used in conjunction with it as हूं करूं छुं. The Brajbhâshâ agrees with the G. in this respect and adds its हौं as मै करौं हौं. In the H. P. and S. it signifies potentiality only; and in the last थो masc., थी fem. are added to the forms to denote present time. थो is the past part. of the root थिअणु from Skr. स्थित, Pr. थिअ, which means ‘become’ in Sindhî. The old Hindî or Braj poets use this tense in the present also. In all these languages, however, the old Present tense of the auxiliary अस् or आस् indicates present time alone.

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B. O. preserve this tense in the old sense throughout. M. has two forms of this old Present:—

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1st करीं करूं हसें हसूं 2nd करीस करा हसस हसा 3rd करी करीत हसे हसत

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In poetry we have ति and सि for त and स as—

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आछाचिया काजाचे निपाडें। देखती आपुलें जीवित्व थोकडें ॥
Jñân. I. 112.
ऐशी सामग्री माझ्या आंगीं जाणसी तूं
Jñân. III. 162.

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The termination ई of the first person sing. is derived from the Pr. मि, म् being simply converted into an anusvâra, i. e., मि when pronounced without closing the lips becomes ई. In the same way the Pr. मु of the pl. becomes उं. The 2nd per. sing. सि remains unaltered, but in ordinary usage the final ई is dropped in consequence of the usual accent on the penultimate. The ह of the Pr. pl. loses its aspiration as we have found it to have done in the cases and thus we have कर + अ = करा. The 3rd per. sing. termination is the same as in Pr. viz. ई. The pl. has lost its nasal and in current Marâṭhî the ई also on account of the penultimate accent. In the other set the 3rd per. sing. termination is ए, the same as in Pr., and to be traced to the Skr. ते of the Âtm. In the Prâkṛit there is no Âtmanepada termination for the 1st pers. sing., but still we have ई here. This vowel is inserted before all the consonantal terminations of the present tense of the verb आहे. We have also ई in करीस and करीत, though it has no place in the Pr. This is probably due to the transference of the final ई in करसी and करती to the penultimate syllable. The first of the two, i. e., the Parasm. set of forms, is used for transitive verbs and the second or Âtmanepada for those that are intransitive and some that are transitive but denote a sort of reflexive action as पढ ‘to read’, शिक ‘to learn’, बोल ‘to speak’, सांग ‘to tell’, etc. The Chit. has both the padas and the ए of the Âtm. is confined to the 3rd pers. sing. in the root अस as तो से but मैं सां or सईं. In the Mâl. we have आ and in the Goan. अ long for ए as आसा, धावा and अस the final अ being long. In these dialects the 2nd pers. pl. termination is त which is transferred from the corresponding 3rd or is a remnant of the Pr. इत्था and the vowels of the first pers. form vriddhi diphthongs with the preceding base in both the padas as मी करैं ‘I do’, or ‘I used to do’, आम्ही करौं ‘we do’ or ‘used to do.’* The Goan. and Chit, however, have the first pers. sing. Âtm. in आं also. The Âtm. is not used for roots ending in other vowels than अ, though they may be intransitive as न्हा, जा, हो, दे, etc., and in this particular the Marâṭhî remarkably agrees with the old Pr.

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O. & B. have the following forms for the present.

c10.31

c10.32

These also are from the Pr. forms. O. has lost the nasal of the 1st pers. pl. and B. of the sing. also, i. e., it has one same form for both. O. has lost the स of the 2nd pers. sing. and has उ in its place. The pl. कर of both is pronounced करो; ओ being broad like that to which अ even of Skr. words is reduced in ordinary utterance by the speakers of these languages. This form करो is the same as the M. करा from the Pr. करह. O. has preserved the 3rd pers. pl. न्त intact; B. has lost the त and इ.

c10.33

The other languages have:—

c10.34

c10.35

c10.36

c10.37

∗ These vriddhi forms appear to be due to the penultimate अ being pronounced long through the accent according to the usual rule and by the combination of इ or उ with it; so that the combined sound is अइ and अउ. When the lengthened अ becomes आ it overpowers the final इ and this latter is dropped and we have मे करां Chit. or हांव करां Goan. ‘I do or used to do’, just as in घोडउ ‘a horse’ the penultimate is lengthened into आ and the final उ is dropped and we have घोडा.

c10.38

The Hindî 2nd and 3rd person sing. and pl. are derived directly from those in Ap. The ह of करहि-हु-इ-हिं being dropped as usual; the forms are करइ-उ-इ-इं and when the vowels are combined we have करे-रो-रे-रै. The G. P. and S. forms are exactly similar, the only difference consisting in the nasal of the 3rd. pers. pl. which has been elided in the first as is done in the instrumental singular. The P. and S. ण and नि must be referred to न्त of the Pr. since the Ap. possessed the Pr. forms as well as the new ones. In old G. Mss. it is usual to write the ड़ and ड of these forms separately. The G. & H. first pers. sing. करूं is from the Ap. करउँ, while the आं of the P. करां and the S. हलां is to be traced rather to the मि of the Pr. than to this उँ as that of the ही in the Chit. and Goan. by the elision of ह and the lengthening of the preceding vowel. There are instances of this change given in the Pr. as we have seen. The S. ओं of the 1st pers. pl. is the same as that in M. & O. and to be derived from the Ap. ओं and the Pr. ओं. The ओं of the Hindî 1st per. pl. is brought over from the 3rd person and this transference was facilitated by the nasal of the original termination; or, since in the Ap. both मि and ओं exist, when in a later stage of the language the letter was appropriated and fixed for the sing. the former was adopted for the pl. and changed to ओं which became ओं by amalgamation. The G. and P. further dropped the nasal of this ओं and interposed a vowel which is probably of the same nature as that in the S. मायूँ. The S. like the M. inserts इ before the terminations in the case of transitive verbs, as in the forms of मार given above and does not when the verbs are intransitive or reflexive as शिक and पढ़. The forms of the Ap. Present occur in the older Hindî poets. Thus in Tulsîdâs's Râmâyaṇa we have:—

c10.39

3rd per. sing.

c10.40

शंभु गिरा पुनि मृषा न होइ। शिव सर्वज्ञ जान सब कोइ॥
Bâla-K.
‘But Sambhu’s word is not false.
Everybody knows Śiva to be omniscient’.
निशिचर एक सिंधु मह रहई। करि माया नभकै खग गहई॥
Sundar-K.
‘An evil spirit dwells in the sea and having recourse to deceit catches hold of the birds in the sky.’

c10.41

3rd per. pl.

c10.42

संत हंस गुण गहहिं पै परिहरिं वारि विकार।
Bâla-K.
‘Good men like swans admit merit like milk leaving off the watery pollution’

c10.43

नारद सिख जु सुंनहिं नरनारी। अवश भवन तजि होंहिं भिखारी ॥ Bâla-K. ‘Those men and women that listen to the advice of Nârada become beggars having abandoned their homes.’ 2nd per. pl.: करहु कवन कारण तप भारी। Bâla-K. ‘For what reason do you go through excessive austerities ?’ विपिन अकेलि फिरहु केहि हेतू। Bâla-K. ‘Why do you wander alone in the forest ?’ 1st pers. sing.: नारद वचन न मैं परिहरऊं। बसौ भवन उजरो नहिं डरऊं ॥ Bâla-K. ‘I shall not neglect the advice of Nârada and shall not be afraid even if thereby the world stands or falls ( becomes desolated).’ 1st pers. pl.: तात सुनहु सादर मन लाई। कहहुं रामकी कथा सुहाई ॥ Bâla-K. ‘Dear one, do hear with an attentive mind; [we] narrate the pleasing story of Râma.’ Another reading is कहौं which is sing. and the sense is ‘I narrate’. The old 2nd pers. sing. in सि is met with thus:— भरत सपथ तोहि सत्य कहु परि हरि कपट दुराइ। हरष समय विस्मय करसि कारण मोहि सुनाइ ॥ Ay.-K. ‘I charge thee in the name of Bharata; tell me the truth laying aside all insincerity. On the occasion of joy thou art gloomy; explain to me the reason.’ There are also specimens of the Âtm.: देखे जहं तहं रघुपति Bâla.-K. ‘Sees Raghupati here and there.’ जो अब करौं सती सन प्रीती। मिटै भक्ति पथ होइ अनीती ॥ Bâla.-K. ‘If now you are amorous towards the Satî ( Pârvatî) the way of devotion will end and immorality ( will ) result.’ चले बसह चढ़ि। Bâla.-K. ‘He goes having sat on the bull,’

c10.44

And it appears that the ए of the Present is used after verbs of the same kind as in Marâṭhî. The vowel इ of the 3rd pers. sing. does not become ए as in the modern Hindî and other, where the distinction between the two padas is lost, but retains its original form as in घरि पुछी (गइ समीप महेश तब हंसि पुछी कुशलात ‘when she went near Maheśa smiling asked her how she fared’.)

c10.45

The Marâṭhî, Oriya, and the Bangâlî have preserved the Imperative mood entire; the others, only the second person sing., the rest being taken over from the old present or the modern Potential.

c10.46

| | M. | | G. | | B. |
| 1st | करूं | करूं-रों | करि | करूं | करि | करि |
| 2nd | कर-रीं | करा | कर | कर | कर-करीस | कर करह करीओ |
| 3rd | करा | कसेत | कर | करन्तु | करक् | करन् |
| | | | | or करन्त | | |

c10.47

In the 1st per. sing. the म of the Pr. is changed to ं in M. i. e. म has lost its labial element as in the Present. O. and B. have got the form of the Present for it, the nasal being dropped. The मि of the pl. is similarly changed to ओं and is also shortened or resolved into ओं. The B. has the same form as the sing. The 2nd pers. sing. in M. has the form without the termination as in the Pr., the other made up by adding ई corresponds to that in the Ap. ending in that vowel. Intransitive and reflexive roots have इ instead of ई which form is also found in the Ap. as धावें, शिकें, सांगें. The O. and B. do not possess these terminations but the latter has म which is to be traced to the Pr. म. The pl. is the same as in the Pr. the इ having left its trace in the lengthening of the vowel. The O. and B. कर is also really करा pronounced broadly करौ and the latter retains ह unchanged also. The 3rd per. sing. termination उ of the Pr. is amalgamated with the preceding vowel into ओ in M. and उ in O. and B. M. has also sometimes उ for ओ. The क of the B. is a later addition and is probably to be traced to the Interrogative pronoun beginning with क. It is to be compared with such M. expressions as जाऊं दे किं. The O. preserves the 3rd per. pl. न्तु unchanged but in the optional form the final उ is dropped. M. and B. have transferred the characteristic उ to the preceding syllable and the former has dropped the nasal and the latter the त. In M. the उ is as in the sing. changed to ओ but in some cases it is preserved and we have such forms as जाउत, देउत etc. We find instances in which the उ preserves its place after त as in the O. Thus in Jñânes'varî:—

c10.48

हे वरी भलतें करितु । आतांचि एथें मारितु । परी आपण मनें घातु । न चिंतावा ॥ I—225. ‘These on their part may do an unwelcome thing, just here and now kill us but we should not think of doing injury.’

c10.49

H. P. and G. have कर for the sing. as in the above; and करो pl. the same as that of the Present which itself is from the Ap. करहु the characteristic Imper उ being attached to the ह of the Pr. and even in the Pr. and M. B. and O. 2nd per. pl. is the same as in the Present. The P. has also the form in ई. The Sindhî Imperative 2nd per. sing. of intransitive and reflexive verbs ends in उ as हणु and of transitive verbs and a few others in इ as करि. The उ occurs in the Ap. along with the ई and ए already noticed. Though Modern Hindî has lost the Imperative forms for other persons than the second, old Hindî poets use them; and for the second per. sing. also they have the Ap. form in ई preserved in S. and M. Thus Tulsîdâs:—

c10.50

2nd pers. sing. प्रभु हनुमंतहि कहा बुझाइ । in ई धरी बटुरूप अवघ पुर जाइ ॥ ‘The lord said to Hanumanta, “Assume the form of a boy and go to the city of Ayodhyâ.”’

c10.51

The 2nd pers. pl. is the same as that of Present which prevails in all the languages from the Pr. downwards.

c10.52

पारवती पहं जाइ तुम प्रेमपरीक्षा लेहु । ‘Having gone to Pârvatî examine her devotion.’

c10.53

The 3rd per. sing. ends in ओ or औ as in the M. & O.

c10.54

मेरी भव बाधा हरौ राधा नागरि सोइ । —Beharîlâla. ‘May that polished Râdhâ remove my worldly distress.’

c10.55

करो अनुग्रह सोइ ।—Tuls. R. ‘May he confer favours.’

c10.56

The 3rd per. pl. has हि which is an Ap. form found in some of Hemachandra’s quotations. The हि has been introduced simply to distinguish it from the sing.

c10.57

चरणकमल बंदौं सबकेरे । पुरबहु सकल मनोरथ मेरे ॥—Tuls. R. ‘I adore the lotus-like feet of all. May they fulfil all my desires.’

c10.58

The 1st per. sing. is the same as that of the Present and it is difficult to distinguish it; but in such a construction as the following the M. would have the imperative.

c10.59

चली सती शिव आयसुपाई । करहिं विचार करौ का माई ॥ ‘The Satî having got S'iva’s permission went, and was thinking what deception to use.’

c10.60

The pl. also must be the same. Old G. has also the Imper. forms in इ and उ as:—

c10.61

पूछइ बात पातशाह इसी । गूजरातिते कहीइ किसी ॥

c10.62

‘The emperor asked this matter “how is Gujarât ?”’

c10.63

गूजरा स्यूं मांडिसिं कलहु । माहारइ साथइ कटक मोकलु ॥

c10.64

‘If you will declare war against Gujarât send an army with me.’

c10.65

The G. and S. have another form for the 2nd per. of the Imper.; the terminations of this are इजि S., जे G. for the sing. and इजो and जो for the pl. The H. has जे and जो for roots ending in ई and ऊ and इये and इयो for the rest. The P. and B. have इओ for the pl. and in the former the singular is confounded with the usual इ termination. In M. such form is not now ordinarily used. In addresses on letters, however, such expressions as प्रविष्ट कीजे, दीजे are used and these forms are found in the works of the old Marathî poets. Thus in Jñânes'varî:—

c10.66

परियासी घात कीजे । मग आपण राज्यसुख भोगिजे ।
हैं स्वप्नींहि मन माझें । करूं न शके ॥ I—213

c10.67

‘This my mind can not think of doing even in a dream that I should kill them and enjoy afterwards the pleasures of sovereignty.’

c10.68

तरिं अवधान येकलें दीजे । मग सर्व सुखासीं पात्र होईजे ॥ IX—1.

c10.69

‘Give your attention alone and qualify yourself for all happiness.’

c10.70

मुनि सांगे नृपनाथ । जनमेजया ॥
जे अद्वितीय उत्तम । पवित्रैक निरुपम ।
परम मंगलधाम । अवधारि जो ॥ I-48-49.

c10.71

‘The Muni narrates this story to Janamejaya the king, saying (you should) attend to this which is unique, excellent, the holy thing, the unsurpassed and the highest abode of all auspicious things.’

c10.72

आतां देइजो अवधान । तुझी बोलविला मी बोलेन ॥ I—8.

c10.73

‘Give attention now; I will speak what you make me speak.’

c10.74

These forms have been traced by Dr. Trump in his Sindhi Grammar to the Pr. base in इज used in the Present, Imperative and Future and derived by Lassen from the Present and by me from the Potential; and so far as the form in the S. and G. is concerned there is no objection. But these forms are in the vernaculars used when respect for the person spoken to is intended and the Potential as distinguished from the Imperative is by no means more respectful in Skr. The H. forms are not assigned each to each number but both of them are used in the sing. or pl. and its य can by no means be derived from ज; for though the contrary process the changing of य to ज is common there is so far as I am aware no single well established instance of the other. In Skr. nothing is more usual than to use the Passive of the 3rd pers. sing. Imperative in respectful solicitation. The second pers. of the active Imper. is the least respectful since there is a direct reference in that voice to the agent and such a reference to great men is regarded as improper or in the case of others not courteous. The 3rd pers. with भवान् as the nom. is more so; because the reference is indirect but the most respectful construction is the Passive as it does not point to the agent at all but to the thing done by him. Thus the ज in these forms is from the य of the passive and the Hindî ईय from ईअ which is the other corruption of that termination in the Pr. The M. देइजो corresponds to Skr. दीयताम्, the Imper. 3rd pers. sing. termination in that language being त. दीजे corresponds to दीयते of the Present and the potential sense may be attributed to the fact that the whole tense has assumed that sense in the vernaculars. The agent may, if the forms are passive, be any person and any number since it does not agree with the verb; and this explains the Hindî usage. But as generally in solicitation the person addressed is the second pers. though he is referred to indirectly and is, when cases are used, put in the instr. as in the Jñânes'varî:—

c10.75

द्रोणातें म्हणे पाहिजे तुम्हीं सकल ।
“He said to Droṇa, everything should be looked after by you.”

c10.76

These forms become in the G. & S. identified with the second and easily because one of the terminations ओ happens to be the same as that of the Imper. 2nd pers. pl. in those languages and got confused with the other Pr. Potential forms in ज; wherefore we find in the S. the Imper. 2nd pers. sing. terminations इ and उ applied to the base as थिजि ‘become’, सुनिजु ‘hear.’ This confusion extended to the Hindî also since to roots in इ or उ it appends जे and जो; for the Potential increment ज is given in the Pr. to roots ending in आ, इ, ओ etc. i. e. any vowel except अ. In the progress of a language confusion is natural and frequently observable. This double etymology explains all the facts of the case; while if we confine ourselves to one some are not accounted for.

c10.77

We have seen that there are two classes of verbs in M. one of which takes the augment इ in the Present before the consonantal terminations as करीस, करीत and the other takes ए or अ as धावें, धावत. The Imper. 2nd pers. sing. of the former is made up by adding इ in old or poetic Marathî and of the latter by adding ए. The former takes इ in the Future necessarily in the 1st and 3rd pers. sing. as करील, करीन and optionally in some others as करतील or करितील्, करशील or करिशील. This option is extended even to the Present करितो or करतो and the past participle अरिलें or धरिलें; while in the present participle these verbs necessarily take इ as करित आहे. The latter class takes ए in the Future 1st and 3rd pers. sing. and the option in the last is not allowed, अ being added in all, including the present part., as शिकेल, शिकतील not शिकितीळ, शिकला not शिकिला, शिकतो and शिकत आहे; so that this class must have ए in some cases and अ in the rest. The Sindhî has a similar distinction. Those roots that take इ before the termination of the Pres. as करीथो "I do" form their Imper. 2nd pers. sing. in इ and insert this in the present part. as करीन्दो; while the rest do not add this इ, as हलां 1st pers. sing., हलन्दो pres. part., and take उ in the Imper. sing., हलु Imper. 2nd pers. sing. We thus see that we have इ in the one case and opposed to it are the vowels ए, अ and उ in the other. The former is a characteristic of the transitive or the non-reflexive nature of a root while the latter of the opposite. Why should it be so? The vowels इ and उ form the distinctive marks of the Parasm. and Âtm. in Skr. and Pr. A consciousness of this and of the difference between Parasm. roots and Âtm. roots has been preserved in the modern S. and M. and hence there is an attempt to insert those vowels in all possible cases; and the base itself of the roots is made to end in them. But in the Prâkrits and to a great extent even in Skr. the base of most of the roots (भण, हस, etc.) has an imperative signification. Hence the newly constituted bases करीं and धावें also came to have an imper. sense. Now these are the forms of the Imper. not only in our languages but the old Apabhramś'a also; hence the process I mention must have been gone through even then. This is a better explanation of the Ap. forms than deriving them both from इ, especially since this is a dialect so prone to bring in इ even when it can not be had, that it is not likely to reject an already existing one. You will thus see how subtle the operation of the law of analogy is in the development of a language. Now as regards the Ap. form उ we see that we have it in Sindhî where the other languages have अ, so that it is the old inorganic उ which prevails so much in the Ap. And we have seen that इ is used in many more grammatical forms in M. than ए, whilst instead of it in other places and in the Sindhî in all but the Imper. 2nd pers. sing. we have अ; so that इ is made the distinctive mark of the Parasm. character of a root while its absence or the insertion of उ indicates the Âtm. character.

c10.78

The third Skr. tense preserved by the Prâkrits is the Second Future. It has descended to the Gujaratî. Thus,

c10.79

c10.80

The स of these forms is the old Skr. स्य corrupted to सस in the S'aur. and स in the Ap. From the Skr. downwards the terminations of the Present in each of the languages are appended, as formerly observed, to this tense. So in the G. we find in the 2nd and 3rd pers. the terminations ण् and ओ of the G. Present attached to स. But the consciousness of the etymology of these forms has been partially lost; wherefore in 1st pers. we have not करसुं for the sing. corresponding to करूं aud करसीये corresponding to करीये. But G. has derived its 1st pers. pl. करसुं directly from the Skr. or Ap. pl. करिसस्मु or करिसमु and the sing. करीस from करिससं which, you will remember, was an optional S'aur. form in addition to करिससामि, the nasal being dropped according to the usual Guj. rule. We have these forms in the Braj-Bhâshâ but the स is corrupted to ह as it very often is. Thus,

c10.81

करिहौं करिहें करिहै करिहौ करिहै करिहै

c10.82

Here in the 1st pers. sing. we have the औ of the Pres. Braj as in करौं, unlike the G. and in conformity with the ancient practice. You will also observe that the old augment इ is preserved. It may be suspected that these forms are derived from those in the Pr. which have ह instead of स, but you will have observed that there we have हि as in करिहिइ and here ह which represents the S'aur. and Apbr. स. The old Future occurs in Tulsidâsa's Râmâ.

c10.83

3rd pers sing.

c10.84

प्रिया सोच परिहरहु सब सुमिरहु श्री भगवान्।
पारवती जिन निर्मयउ सोइ करिहहिं कल्याण ॥

c10.85

"Dear, leave off all anxiety, remember the great God. He who created Parvati will do her good."

c10.86

If the dot on हि is a mistake this is 3rd pers. sing.

c10.87

3rd pers. pl.

c10.88

छमिहहिं सज्जन मोरि ढिटाई ।
सुनिहहिं बालवचन मन लाई ॥

c10.89

"Good men will pardon my temerity and hear the words of (this) child with attention."

c10.90

2nd pers. pl.

c10.91

कहत मम मन अतिसंकुचाई । हंसिहहु सुनि हारि जडताई ॥

c10.92

"I am ashamed in my mind to tell the truth; for, hearing, at my stupidity you will laugh."

c10.93

In these forms the terminations of the Apbr. Present are appended to the ह derived from स; but the following are three instances of the Braj form occurring in the same work.

c10.94

1st pers. pl. तब तब वदन पैठिहौं आई ॥ सत्य कहौं मोहि जान दे माई ॥

c10.95

"Then I will enter thy mouth; I tell you the truth, let me go mother."

c10.96

3rd pers. pl. मम कृत सेतु जो दरशन करिहें। सो वितुश्रम भवसागर तरिहें ॥

c10.97

"They who will visit this bridge constructed by me will cross the ocean of life without trouble."

c10.98

In an essay published in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1873, Mr. Beames gives the forms of the Future found in the earliest Hindî poet Chand, which are exactly similar to those in the Braj and, misled by the latter parts है, है, हौ etc. which resemble those of अस or आस so greatly, traces them to the Periphrastic Future of the Skr. चलितास्मि-सि etc. But this Future is in the first place rarely used in Skr. and altogether discarded by the Pâli and not a trace of it is to be found in any of the numerous Prâkrits. Besides if we derive these forms from the Periphrastic Future we must have in the 3rd pers. such forms as चलिआ-चलिया and चलिआर. And the old forms which Tulsidâs uses of the type of चलिहहि, from which evidently the others are derived, will remain unexplained. There can be little doubt that this derivation is wrong. We have seen the several steps by which we gradually rise to चलिहै from चलिष्यति and the chain is so well connected that this etymology must be admitted as correct. The resemblance to that form in Gujarâtî also must not be forgotten.

c10.99

Past time is in all the vernaculars expressed by means of the past participle as in the Pr., all the Skr. past tenses being lost, as you will remember, except in isolated cases. This participle is in the older languages passive in the case of transitive verbs generally and active when the verb is intransitive and also in the cases of some transitive verbs such as शिकलों, प्यालों etc. This rule is strictly observed in most of the modern dialects and hence in the past tense we have generally no active voice when the verb is transitive and the agent is, as in the older languages, put in the instr., thus in H. लेखनें पोथी लिखी, P. उसने कम कीता, S. हुन फकीरखे धनुडिणो, G. जवेरलाले मारीपासे माणस मोकल्यो, M. पारध्यानें वाघ मारिला. In all these sentences the last words are past participles and they agree with the object in the Nom. case in number, gender and person. In the O. and B., however, all distinction between gender, number and person being lost the agreement with the object is not perceptible. In these languages and to some extent in Marâthî this participle is made the base of the regular verbal forms; wherefore I shall have to discuss this point again, The Hindî participle ends in अ which of course is the same termination as in Pr., thus Skr. गत, Pr. गअ the consonant being elided, and with the connecting य्, गय. When augmented by the addition of क in the manner I have shown in the last lecture and also in this it is गया the अ alone of the क being left. In the feminine the augmented form is गयी and where this य is not inserted it is गई. By adding this augmented form आ to any root whatever the Hindî past participle is formed as लिखा, पढ़ा etc. An euphonic य intervenes when the root ends in a vowel as दिया, पीया etc. Similar to this is the B. and O. past participle as देखा in देखाजाव B., लेखा, दिया O. The S. termination is इओ and the P. इआ as जागिओ from जागणु ‘to be awake,’ पखिओ from पखणु ‘to remain,’ गइआ ‘gone’, घलिआ ‘sent;’ the nom. termination उ and the augment अ for क being left out of consideration it is reduced to इअ. The G. has यो and the Braj यौ as in राख्यो, राख्यौ ‘kept’ from राख, कह्यो कह्यौ ‘told’ from कह, where also the ओ being dropped the termination is य i.e. इअ hastily pronounced. These languages therefore preserve the old termination with the augment इ prefixed to it as in the Pr., as हसिओ, पढ़िओ etc. Some of the vernaculars and notably the Sindhî have also inherited from the Pr. readymade Tadbhava forms of the past passive participles as,

c10.100

c10.101

The Sindhî seems to have made up the forms of a few roots on the analogy of these though they do not exist in the Pr. as झलतो from झल, Skr. धृत, Pr. धरिओ; पीतो drunk, कीतो done; (P. has this also); but some of these may be modern Tadbhavas. Marâṭhî does not possess this form and past tense is expressed in that language by a form ending in ला-ली-लें. This is adjectival in nature and passive in the case of transitive verbs and active in that of intransitive or reflexive verbs. It is in every respect then like the Skr. and Pr. past participle preserved in the other dialects. But here we have ल (ला) for the अ (आ) of those. This ल has been traced to the Skr. त; but since in the Mahâ-râshtrî or principal Prâkṛit that termination leaves its अ only it must be derived from the S'aur. द which often becomes ड and ड is frequently confounded with र and ल as we have seen. In Sindhî Skr. द is always ड as 'give' from दा, ड्युो from दुग्ध and डिठो etc. Similarly even the Prâkṛit period such a change must have taken place in several words; for instance, the Skr. दश in एकादश and in some of the succeeding numerals becomes in the Pâli दस but is changed to रह in the Pr. which shows that द must have become ड before it assumed the form of र. ड is interchanged with ळ even in Skr. as पुरोडाश or पुरोळाश; and in the Pr. and modern dialects we have कील for क्रीड, पीळ or पील for Skr. पीड, डालिम for दाडिम etc. So that this etymology is possible; but I shall presently show to you that it is not to the S'aur. द that we should first look for the origin of M. words and forms; especially in cases when it stands alone. That the Marâṭhî only should exhibit these consonantal changes in the past participle and none of the other sister dialects and that no instance of the intermediate step between the S'aur. द and the M. ल should be found here or elsewhere as we find them in similar cases goes a great way against this derivation. The Marâṭhî past participle in ला, ली, लें is, I think, of the same nature as similar participles in the other cognate languages ending in that termination. We have in G. besides कह्यो, कर्यों, कहेलो and करेलो and in S. besides विओ and डिठो, विअलु and डिठलु. There is a little difference in the sense but both are promiscuously used in ordinary usage. B. and O. form their Preterite with this participle as the base as गोपाल आमाके कहिल B. 'Gopal told us;' अम्भे कलम देइ लेखिल O. 'I wrote with a pen.' It is also used as an adjective as गलादिन 'the past day', पडिला गछ 'the fallen tree.' Though it does not occur in high Hindî and is not given in the grammars of the languages the lower classes of the Hindî population use this participle very commonly as बेचल H. 'sold', गयल 'gone'; and it is also found in the works of Kabîra though I have not seen it in Tulsidâsa's Râmâyaṇ which is accounted for by the fact that Kabîra was a S'ûdra himself and consequently belonged to those classes which use it at the present day. Thus:—

c10.102

तब ब्रह्मा पूछल महतारी। को तोर पुरुष का करि तुम नारी॥
—Râmâyaṇ II-4.

c10.103

“Then Brahmâ asked his mother: ‘Who is thy husband and whose wife art thou!’”

c10.104

बहुजुग भगतन बांधल बाटी। समुझि न परे मोटरी फाटी॥
—Ramâyaṇ V.7.

c10.105

“In all the four ages holy men constructed ways but they did not know that the bundle they had tied had given way or was torn!”

c10.106

Now in the Sindhi participles ल is a termination appended to other or old participles; as विअ and दिठ with the suffix ल become विअल and दिठल. The Gujarâtî ones are of the same nature; in कहेलो, लो is the suffix and कहे is the original participle in इअ or य or कहिअ or कह्य which is changed to ए, as य often is. Even in Marâṭhî in the forms गेला, केला, आला, आयलो in the minor dialects, जाहला, मेला, भ्याला, प्याला etc. गे represents गय (Pr. गअ, Skr. गत); के, कय (Pr. कअ, Skr. कृत); आय, आअ (Pr. आअअ, Skr. आगत); जाह, जाअ (Pr. जाअ, Skr. जात); मे, मय (Pr. मृत); भ्या-भीआ, प्या-पीआ and so on. In the B. too we have केल, गेल, आइल which are just like the Marâṭhî forms and are to be explained in the same way. In old Marâṭhî we similarly find this ल appended to real past participles. In an old inscription dated S'aka 1128=1206A.D., the latter portion of which is in the Marâṭhî of the time and being so was difficult to decipher; there occurs the expression महा दिन्हला ‘given to a monastery’ in which we see that ला is appended to दिन्ह which is the same as the old Pâli and Pr. participle दिण्ण of the root दा. In Skr. a great many roots formed their participles by adding न instead of त and we find several of these and others formed on the analogy of these in old Hindî and Marâṭhî poetry. In the works of Tulsidâs, Kabîra, Chanda and others कीन्ह ‘done’, लीन्ह ‘taken,’ चीन्ह ‘known’, दीन्ह ‘given’ and such others occur.

c10.107

नाना विधि मुनि पूजा कीन्ही। अस्तुति करि पुनि आशिष दीन्ही॥

c10.108

“The sage worshipped him in several ways, praised him and gave him a blessing.”

First 107 of 161 passages. Read on

Cites (10)

Jñāneśvarī — Jñāneśvara, Marathi
Aṣṭādhyāyī — Pāṇini, Sanskrit
Veda — Sanskrit
Ṛgvedasaṃhitā — Sanskrit
Purāṇa — Sanskrit
Vālmīkirāmāyaṇa — Vālmīki, Sanskrit
Tulsīdās — Tulsīdās 1565, Hindi
Kaṇvasmṛti — Kaṇva, Sanskrit
Mālatīmādhava — Bhavabhūti, Sanskrit
Inscription (EC 9 Bn 108) — Tamil

Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Derived Languages c10: Lecture V. Remnants of the Older Grammatical Forms in the Northern Vernaculars

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Lecture V. Remnants of the Older Grammatical Forms in the Northern Vernaculars

Cites (10)