Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis c5: Chapter One: Gorakhnāthīs
Gorakhnāth and the Kānphaṭa Yogīs c5
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- English
Chapter One: Gorakhnāthīs
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THE followers of Gorakhnāth are known as Yogī, as Gorakhnāthī, and as Darśanī, but most distinctively as Kānphaṭa. The first of these names refers to their traditional practice of the Hatha Yoga, the second to the name of their reputed founder, the third to the huge ear-rings which are one of their distinctive marks, and the fourth to their unique practice of having the cartilege of their ears split for the insertion of the ear-rings. In the Panjab, in the Himālayas, in Bombay, and elsewhere they are often called Nātha, which is a general term meaning ‘master.’ Women of the sect are similarly called Nāthnī. In Western India they are generally known as Dharamnāthī (or Dhoramnāthī), after a famous disciple of Gorakhnāth, by that name. In other parts of India the names Kānphaṭa and Gorakhnāthī are commonly used.
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It is said that the practice of splitting the ears originated with Gorakhnāth,¹ and that the designation Kānphaṭa (literally, ‘Split-eared’) was a term of disrespect applied to these Yogīs by Musalmāns.¹
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¹ *IA*, vol. VII, p. 299.
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The word Yogī is a general descriptive term, applied to many who do not belong to the Kānphaṭas. It ‘has many shades of meaning, from that of saint to that of sorcerer or charlatan.’² It is also a general term for ascetics, particularly for those who are endeavouring, by restraint and discipline of the body, to secure union with the Brahman. From the generalized point of view, the Gorakhnāthīs constitute the principal group and the better class of Yogīs, although some of the less desirable characters of ascetics bearing the name Yogī, may be found amongst them. They form a distinct order of Yogīs.¹
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² *BRI*, p. 215; *RTCCP*, vol. III; *BHCS*, pp. 319 ff., 402; *Wi*, p. 217. The following quotation is from *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 389. In the Panjab the term Yogī, is used to cover a wider group, ‘that miscellaneous assortment of low caste faqīrs and fortune-tellers, both Hindu and Musalmān, but chiefly Musalmān, who are commonly known as
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¹ See Census Report, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, 1891, pp. 225, 226; ERE, vol. XII, p. 833.
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Kānphaṭa Yogīs are found everywhere in India, being as widely scattered as any of the ascetic orders.² They are met with separately as mendicants and as hermits, and in groups, in the Northern Deccan, in the Central Provinces, in Gujarāt, in Mahārāṣṭra, in the Panjab, in the provinces of the Ganges basin and in Nepāl.³
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² FORL, p. 347; BRI, p. 213.
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³ Tessitori, ERE, vol. XII, p. 834; BRI, p. 213.
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It is not proper for Yogīs to live alone; and they are not supposed to wander, but to abide in monasteries, or at temples, and to meditate. The books prescribe as follows, for Yogīs:
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The practice of the Haṭha Yoga should be carried out in a private cell, four cubits square, free from stones, fire and water, [situated] in a well-governed country, free from violence, where the law (dharma) is followed and where alms are abundant. [The cell] should
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Jogīs. Every rascally beggar who pretends to be able to tell fortunes, or to practice astrological and necromantic arts, in however small a degree, buys himself a drum and calls himself, and is called by others, a Jogī. Those men include all the Musalmāns, and probably a part of the Hindus of the eastern districts, who style themselves Jogīs. They are a thoroughly vagabond set, and wander about the country beating a drum and begging, practising surgery and physic in a small way, writing charms, telling fortunes, and practising exorcism and divination; or, sitting in the villages, eke out their earnings from these occupations by the offerings made at the local shrines of the malevolent godlings of the Sayads and other Musalmān saints; for the Jogī is so impure that he will eat the offerings made at any shrine. These people, or at least the Musalmān section of them, are called Rāwal in the centre of the Panjab. Rāwal corresponds to Nāth. In Kāṭhiāwār they are said to exorcise evil spirits and to worship Koriāl. In Siālkot they pretend to avert storms from the ripening crops by plunging a drawn sword into the field or a knife into a mound, sacrificing goats and accepting suitable offerings.’
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be neither too high nor too low, free from cracks, hollows and holes, [and should have] a small door. [It] should be well plastered with cow-dung, clean and free from all kinds of vermin. On the outside [surrounding it] it should be graced with a beautiful enclosure [garden] with sheds, a platform and a well. These are the marks, as described by adepts in the practice of Haṭha [Yoga], of a cell where the Yoga is to be practised. Having seated [himself] in such a cell, with his thoughts abandoned, [the Yogī] should practise Yoga in the manner indicated by his guru.’¹
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¹ Haṭhayogapradīpikā, ch. I, vv. 12-14. The Gorakhbodh allows otherwise (ERE, vol. XII, p. 832).
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Yogīs go on pilgrimages, visiting shrines and holy places all over India.² In the rainy season of 1924, there were very few Yogīs at Gorakhpur, most of them being away visiting various sacred places.³ However, they make their monasteries their headquarters. Some do live alone,⁴ in the jungles, practising Yoga; but hermits of this kind are exceedingly difficult to find. The author was able to get track of but two adepts, Bābā Hīra Nāthjī at Kālī Mohinī in Alwār, between Bhātinda and Bandikui, and Bāwā Tejnal, at Patañjali Āśrama in Hardwār; and was unable to find either. Some of these are considered to be real adepts.
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² In earlier times they may have travelled further. The following report, while it deals with another type of ascetic, illustrates the fact that Indian ascetics have known great areas in Asia. The following is the statement of an ‘oordhbabu’ (ūrdhvabāhu) who claimed to have travelled extensively in Asia. Setting out from Bithur, he visited shrines in Central, Western and Southern India. Thence he travelled east, and then visited the holy places of Ceylon. He then proceeded to Malaya, and thence returned to India. Following the west coast of the peninsula, he visited Dwāraka, and Hiṅg Lāj; thence to Multān, Attock (Aṭak) and eastward to Hardwār. Retracing his steps westward, he visited Kābul, Bāmiān, Khurāsān, Herāt and Astrābād, and continued to the western borders of the Caspian Sea, Astrakān and Moscow. Thence travelling through Persia, he visited Hamadān, Ispahān, Śīrāz, Kermānshāh and other cities. Sailing from Abushahr he visited cities, including Bahrein and Basrah. Unable to reach Baghdād, he sailed to Muscat and Sūrat. Then he visited Mokha and returned to Karāchī and Sind. He then journeyed to Balk, Bokhārā, Samarqand, Badakhshān. Thence he entered Kashmīr and moved on into the Himālayas to Gangotri. He then travelled in Oudh and Nepāl, visiting Kāṭhamāṇḍu and the mountain regions beyond. Returning to Kāṭhamāṇḍu, he set out for Tibet, reaching Lhāsa and Lake Manasorowāra. He then returned to India and finally settled at Benares. This record of the sādhu’s travels was made by Jonathan Duncan, Esq., at Benares in 1792, and Mr. Duncan reported that the ascetic gave circumstantial details of things in cities as far away as Moscow and Astrakān to confirm his statements. See Asiatic Researches, vol. V, pp. 37 ff.
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³ Holy men, in general, are not supposed to travel during the rainy season; but modern means of transportation are changing these customs.
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⁴ Bombay Gazetteer, vol. IX, p. 543.
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Census figures dealing with Gorakhnāthīs are not satisfactory, because, in many instances, other Yogīs (or ‘Jogīs’) and mendicants are included in the enumerations.
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The census returns for 1891¹ show ‘Jogīs’ under ‘miscellaneous and disreputable vagrants,’ and enumerate 214,546 for India. The figures for the Provinces of Agra and Oudh² were, Āughar, 5,319; Gorakhnāthī, 28,816; Jogī, including Gorakhnāthī and others, 78,387. This would indicate that the Gorakhnāthīs, including Āughars, constituted about forty-
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¹ vol. II, p. 14 (Statistics):
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² Part 1, p. 225.
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| Panjab | ... | ... | ... | ... 91,937 |
| Rājputāna | ... | ... | ... | ... 49,262 |
| Bombay | ... | ... | ... | ... 16,823 |
| Central India | ... | ... | ... | ... 10,274 |
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The Report, vol. I, Part. 1 (1911) gives the following comparative study:
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| Faqīr (1911) | ... | ... | ... | ... 979,293 |
| (1901) | ... | ... | ... | ... 1,212,648 |
| (1891) | ... | ... | ... | ... 830,430 |
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Part 2, Tables (1911) give the following distribution of Religious Mendicants, etc. :
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| Bengal | ... | ... | ... | ... 47,666 |
| Bihār and Orīssa | ... | ... | ... | ... 16,388 |
| Bombay | ... | ... | ... | ... 94,764 |
| Central Provinces and Berār | ... | ... | ... 94,933 |
| North-West and Frontier Provinces | ... | ... | ... 12,848 |
| United Provinces | ... | ... | ... | ... 21,405 |
| Rājputāna Agency | ... | ... | ... | ... 170,135 |
| Hyderābād | ... | ... | ... | ... 33,743 |
| Kashmir | ... | ... | ... | ... 31,614 |
| Central Indian Agency | ... | ... | ... | ... 32,327 |
| Bombay States | ... | ... | ... | ... 82,568 |
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five per cent of the Yogīs.¹ The same report for Agra and Oudh² shows that the proportion of male to female Yogīs was about 42/35; that Āughars were 2,422 males and 1,895 females; and Gorakhpanthīs 6,955 males and 6,178 females. The figures are of special interest because these Yogīs are generally supposed to be celibates.³ It is to be noted that many female Yogīs are widows. Of the Yogīs reported in the Panjab, 38,137 were Musalmāns.⁴
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¹ Census of India, 1891, North-Western Provinces, Part 3, p. 52:
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² Part 3, p. 52. The largest number of Yogīs was found in the Meerut Division, the Gorakhpur Division being second.
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³ Martin (vol. II, pp. 484, 485) reported that though they were not permitted to marry they were at liberty to communicate with whatever women they pleased.
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⁴ Census of Panjab, Report, 1891, pp. 113–8.
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The Census of 1901⁵ shows, for India: Faqīr, Hindu ... 436,803 Male/Female 252/185 Jogī, Hindu ... 659,891 do. 385/325 Jogī, Muhammadan ... 43,139 do. 21/22 Nātha, Hindu ... 45,463 do.. 25/21
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⁵ Census of India, vol. I, Part 2, Tables, pp. 283, 288, 301.
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There were 10,947 Yogīs in the Bombay Presidency.⁶
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⁶ ETCB, vol. II, p. 103.
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| DIVISION | JOGĪ | ĀUGHAR | GORAKH-PANTHĪ |
| | Male | Female | Male | Female | Male | Female |
| Meerut ... | 23,767 | 19,331 | | | | |
| Agra ... | 2,584 | 2,258 | | | | |
| Rohilkhand ... | 3,500 | 2,845 | In some | In some | In some | In some |
| Allahābād ... | 2,962 | 3,109 | Divisions | Divisions | Divisions | Divisions |
| Benares ... | 436 | 430 | | | | |
| Gorakhpur ... | 5,811 | 4,952 | | | | |
| Kumaon ... | 2,581 | 2,180 | | | | |
| Total | 41,641 | 35,105 | 2,368 | 1,870 | 6,941 | 6,178 |
| Total Oudh and N.-W. Provinces | 42,562 | 35,822 | 2,422 | 1,895 | 6,955 | 6,178 |
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In 1911¹ there were enumerated in India 979,293 faqīrs, 814,365 Jogīs and 698,036 mendicants; there being 15,000 Kānphaṭas in the Central Provinces.²
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¹ Census of India, vol. I, Part 1, Tables, pp. 192, 198, 309.
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² RTCCP, vol. III, p. 250.
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The enumeration for 1921³ was:
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³ Census of India, vol. I, Part 2, p. 154.
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| Jogī, Hindu | ... | 629,978 | Male/Female | 325/305 |
| Jogī, Muhammadan | ... | 31,158 | do. | 16/15 |
| Faqīr, Hindu | ... | 141,132 | do. | 80/61 |
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Table XVII of the Imperial Census of India for 1931 shows under the headings of Aghorī, Faqīr, Jogī, Sādhu and Sannyāsī a total of more than a million persons, not far from half of whom are females, but does not so return ascetics as to show how many Gorakhnāthīs there are in India.
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On the basis of the more detailed figures of 1891, the Gorakhnāthīs would still be very numerous. But no exact, or even approximate, statement can be made; simply, Kānphaṭas are very widely scattered and are exceedingly numerous.
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The distinctive marks of the sect of the Kānphaṭas are the split-ears (kān-phaṭa) and the huge ear-rings. In the final stage of their ceremony of initiation a specially chosen guru, or teacher, splits the central hollows of both ears with a two edged knife (or razor).⁴ The slits are plugged with sticks of nīm-wood; and, after the wounds have healed, large rings (mudrā) are inserted. These are a symbol of the Yogī's faith. Some explain that in splitting the ear a nāḍī (mystic channel)⁵ in the cartilage is cut, thus assisting in the acquirement of yogic power.⁶ The Yogī, wearing the mudrā, becomes immortal.⁷ The rings worn in Western India are about seven inches in circumference and weigh two and a quarter ounces or more.⁸ Weight is dependent upon the substance out of which the rings are made. In Kacch, where some of the wealthier Yogīs wear mudrās of gold, the strain of their weight is carried by a string, which is passed over the head.
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⁴ See OMAS, p. 165.
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⁵ See ch. xv.
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⁶ Āipanthīs at Hardwār.
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⁷ RTCP, vol. II, p. 398. (See the story on p. 9, below.)
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⁸ Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, p. 85.
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Rings are of two general shapes, flat and cylindrical; the former called *darṣan*, the latter *kuṇḍal*. The word ‘kuṇḍal’ simply means ‘round.’ *Darṣan* is a term of extreme respect. The use of the word is sometimes explained as a sign that the wearer has had a vision of the Brahman.¹ The ring is sometimes called *pāvitrī*, ‘holy,’ ‘sacred.’
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¹ So explained to the author at Purī.
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Rings are made of various substances. The rule seems to be that the initiate first wears rings of clay. A legend relates how Gorakhnāth cut holes, three inches long, in Bhartri’s ears and inserted ear-rings of clay. Some Yogīs continue to wear earthen rings. But, since these are easily broken, others of more durable substances are usually substituted. The element of value also enters into the use of more substantial rings.
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Rhinoceros horn is a favourite substance for ear-rings. It is not easily broken. The practice goes back to an early period, for such rings are dug up, from time to time, in the oldest burial places of the sect, for example, at Ṭilla and in *old* Almora. The *mahant* (head of the monastery) at Ṭilla, in the Panjab, wore (1924) rings of rhinoceros horn covered with plates of gold. Rings of rhinoceros leather are not uncommon.²
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² The author once saw especially fine ones at Gorakh Bansuri, Calcutta.
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A legend is available, explaining the use of rhinoceros horn, which accounts for the practice, not because the rings are not easily broken, but for the reason that the rhinoceros is a sacred animal. The story is as follows: As a result of the great war between the Pāṇḍavas and the Kāuravas (the ancient war which is the central theme of the *Mahābhārata*) the Pāṇḍavas, having slain their kinsmen, a most heinous sin, were thereby disqualified from performing the funeral rites for them. They appealed to Brahmā for absolution. In reply, the Creator commanded: ‘First make the pilgrimage to Badrināth and Kedārnāth.’ The Pāṇḍavas straightway set off upon the journey. Returning from the Himālayas, they reported to Brahmā and then again asked for permission to perform the funeral rites for their slain kinsmen (ancestors). Brahmā gave instructions: ‘Kill a rhinoceros, make a vessel of its skin, and with that offer water to your relatives. They will receive the oblation and then will be able to proceed to Paradise.’ So the Pāṇḍavas slew a rhinoceros, made a vessel of its skin and from it poured out water to their kinsmen. The piṇḍa was then offered (i.e. the funeral rites were performed) and the slain relatives attained Paradise. Since that time the rhinoceros has been considered a sacred animal, and that is why the Gorakhnāthīs make their ear-rings from its horn.¹
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¹ This story was obtained at Śrī Nagar, Garhwāl. The same reason is found to explain why followers of Guru Govind Singh use ear-rings made of the horn of the rhinoceros. There are many marks, in the lower Himālayas, showing where the Pāṇḍavas, with the dog, travelled in the course of their wanderings. At Deo Dhura may be seen great boulders said to have been thrown about in sport by the Pāṇḍavas; and near the temple of Devī there are two boulders cleft through by a fresh-looking fissure and there is a similar rift in the lower rock. The smaller, upper rock is said to be the weapon with which Bhīma cleft the great boulders. Holes in the rocks are still pointed out as his finger-prints. Himalayan Gazetteer, vol. III, pp. 201, 202.
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Thin gold discs are sometimes seen. The pīr (abbot) and some important Yogīs of Dhinodhar, in Kacch, wear heavy rings of gold, darṣan-shaped, inlaid with precious and semi-precious stones. A mahant from Delhi, in 1924, wore rings of crystal with inlay of gold and precious stones. Other substances used are copper,² stag’s and antelope’s horn, ivory, agate, jade, glass (white and coloured) and wood. In Mewār many Kānphaṭas use rings of conch shell. The conch is their battle trumpet.³
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² The author saw fine ones at Purī in 1924.
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³ BCI, vol. III, p. 198.
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The wearing of the ear-rings is of great importance. If, by accident, one is broken, a model in cloth, or the siṅgnād, must be substituted before the Yogī may partake of food, or perform his religious duties.⁴ Or, he must bathe and procure another before he eats with his fellows or engages in conversation.
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⁴ See RTCCP, vol. III, p. 250.
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A Yogī must protect himself from having his rings torn out. In the old days he, whose ears had been mutilated, did not survive; he either died outright or was buried alive.⁵ It is claimed in Kumaon that the practice still holds (1924).
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⁵ Bombay Gazetteer, vol. VIII, p. 155.
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Even now a Yogī with mutilated ears cannot face the world. He must flee from his brethren; he must never be seen again; he is excommunicated; no tomb is erected over his body when he dies;¹ others will not associate with him; and he is not allowed to share in religious ceremonies and he loses his *pūjārī* rights.
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¹ *RTCP*, vol. III, p. 250. But, at Śrī Nagar, they reported to the author that he would have a *samādh*.
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There is conflict of opinion concerning the origin of the practice of wearing the rings. As stated above, the institution of the custom is attributed to Gorakhnāth. However, Śiva is the great ascetic and he wears huge ear-rings.² Legend records that ear-rings (kuṇḍal), made from dirt off her body, were attached to the body which Śiva had left behind when he descended the lotus stalk in the form of an insect, by Śakti.³ These ear-rings were later changed into mudrās. Śiva’s ears were split at that time. By this means the body of Śiva became immortal. Some trace the practice to Macchendranāth, the guru of Gorakhnāth. The Āipanthīs of Hardwār say that Macchendranāth, when he began to preach the Yoga, by order of Mahādeo, saw that Śiva had his ears split and that he (Śiva) wore the great rings. Macchendra, thereupon, longed to have similar rings himself. He began to worship Śiva and so pleased the god that his desire was granted. Macchendranāth was then ordered to split the ears of all who should become his disciples. Another legend, which connects the practice with Macchendranāth, states that when he was born as a fish, he was discovered to have had rings in his ears.⁴ At Purī, they say that the order to split the ears came from Macchendranāth.
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² *FORL*, p. 388.
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³ *RTCP*, vol. II, pp. 391, 392.
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⁴ Told to the author at Nāsik.
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But the origin of the practice of splitting the ears is traced to others as well. It is said that Bhartri asked his guru, Jālandharipā, for a distinguishing mark. So holes, three inches wide, were made in Bhartri’s ears and rings of clay were inserted. Later, those rings were changed for others of wood, then of crystal-gilt and finally of ivory.⁵
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⁵ *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 398.
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Legends and traditions which refer the custom to Gorakhnāth are numerous. It is said that Śiva ordered Pārvatī to split Gorakhnāth’s ears¹ and that thus the practice arose. Again, Karkāī and Bhuskāī received consent from their guru, Gorakhnāth, to split each other’s ears.² The agreement was made at a place on the road to Hiṅg Lāj, a shrine which every perfect Yogī must visit. Gorakhnāth is said to have split Bhartri’s ears.²
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¹ RTCP, vol. II, p. 390.
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² RTCP, vol. II, p. 398.
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Women who wear the mudrā are numerous. They are chiefly widows who have become Yogīs, and initiated wives of Yogīs. However, not all women whose husbands are Yogīs, have their ears split. Widows often take the vows, are initiated into the sect and then go on pilgrimage. Some of these are in charge of temples.³ Married women who are Yogīs and who wear the mudrā are not uncommon in Kumaon and Garhwāl. But it is not according to rule that wives of householders wear the ear-rings.⁴
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³ For example, in Almora, the author met two such women and saw their temples.
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⁴ So they said in Almora.
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Aughars are followers of Gorakhnāth who have not undergone the final ceremony of having their ears split. A legend is current which serves to justify them in not completing initiation. Once two siddhas (perfect Yogīs) tried to split the ears of a candidate who had been at Hiṅg Lāj; but they found that the slits closed as fast as they were made. So they gave up the attempt. Since then Aughars have dispensed with the custom.⁵ It will be seen, further on, that while many Aughars contemplate completing their initiation, there is a division of Gorakhnāthīs who always remain Aughars.
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⁵ RTCP, vol. II, p. 398.
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The Gūdara sometimes wears a ring, as do the Kānphaṭas.⁶ These mendicants are Śāivites, so-called because they carry a pan of metal in which is kept a small fire for the burning of scented woods at the houses of persons from whom they beg. They cry out, ‘Alakh, Alakh!’ Their peculiar garb consists of a large, round cap, a long ochre-coloured frock, and ear-rings like those of the Kānphaṭas, or cylinders of wood passed through the lobe of the ears, which they term *khecharīmudrā*, the seal or symbol of the deity, ‘of him who moves in the heavens.’ The Gūdara belongs to the Āughar sect of Śaivites founded by a Dasnāmī by the name of Brāhmagiri, through the favour of Gorakhnāth, who is said to have invested the ascetic with his ear-rings. The Gūdara sub-sect wears the ring in one ear, and in the other a flat copper plate with the footprint of Āughar or Gorakhnāth. Other groups wear rings of copper or of pewter in both ears.
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⁶ Wi, pp. 235, 236; RTCB, vol. II, p. 22.
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From the Nizam’s Dominions it is reported that the various orders of Gorakhnāthīs are distinguished by the kind of materials from which they make their ear-rings.¹
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¹ *STCND*, vol. I, p. 278.
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Both Āughars and Yogīs of the sect wear a *janeo*, or sacred thread, which is made by certain members of the order, who are taught the art. It is not made by all Yogīs nor by Brāhmans. The thread is spun from black sheep’s wool² and consists of nine strands. It is worn around the neck.
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² In the hills of Kumaon many Yogīs use cotton for this thread.
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To this thread is attached a ring, which may be flat or cylindrical, called *pāvitrī*. It is made of deer’s horn, rhinoceros horn, of bone, of brass or other metal. Brass rings obtained from Nepāl have on their rim three images, that of Paśupati (Śiva) with the trident on one side of it and the bull on the other. The ring represents Pārvatī.
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To the ring are attached, by means of a white cotton cord, a whistle, *siṅnād*, and a single *rudrākṣa* berry. The *siṅnād* is, as the name implies, a whistle made of horn, either of black-buck horn, of stag horn, or of rhinoceros horn. As a matter of fact, it may be made of wood or of jade. It is about two inches long. That of black-buck horn is the most popular.
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The use of horn is explained in a legend about a king Bhartri (Bhartṛhari). Once his seventy queens urged him to go hunting. While he was away he ran across a herd of seventy hinds and one stag; but was unable to overtake the stag. Finally, a hind asked the stag to allow himself to be shot, and he agreed, on certain conditions, one of which was that his horn should be used for the Yogī’s whistle.¹
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¹ RTCP, vol. II, p. 404. The whole story is told in ch. vii.
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The siṅnād is blown before meals and before morning and evening worship.² It may be blown before the Yogī performs his offices of nature. The mahant (abbot) at Dhinodhar uses his whistle in returning a salute and before performing his duties. One of his chief privileges is to blow his whistle when he worships his gods. The use of the whistle was ordered by Śiva. It has a phallic significance, as has the pāvitrī which is associated with it.
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² RTCCP, vol. III, p. 250.
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Some attach a tooth pick of silver to the thread. This may have a protective use against evil influences.
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Because the whistle is fastened to it, the thread is called siṅnād-janeo.³
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³ Compare BHC, p. 403.
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Some Yogīs wear around the loins, a special rope made of black sheep’s wool to which they fasten the loin cloth, laṅgoṭī. It is called ārband-laṅgoṭ-nāg. As the last word in this name signifies, they, except for the rope, go naked. This cord, which is an inch or more in diameter, is made on a bobbin, and is finished with a loop on one end and a button on the other.⁴ It is fastened in front. Most Yogīs use a strip of cotton cloth instead of this rope of wool.
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⁴ Compare RTCP, vol. II, p. 399. The author saw an especially fine one at Devī Pātan in 1924.
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A third ‘thread’ is worn by some Kānphaṭas. Special regulations go with its use. For example, while wearing this cord, and the other paraphernalia that go with it, the Yogī may neither sit nor stand still but must go out, as soon as he has put it on, and beg.⁵ This cord is called hāl mataṅgā. It is made of three strands, each of eight threads, plaited with the twist to the right into a bobbin cord.⁶ One end is finished with five tails, and the other has a bell, like a large, brass sleigh-bell, attached to it. Sometimes strips of red cloth are woven into the cord. The ‘thread’ is reckoned of various lengths, nine, eleven and one-half¹ or twenty-three cubits;² and is of about the diameter of a lead pencil, although it may be considerably larger.
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⁵ Dasnāmīs also, who are special devotees of Bhāiroṁ, wear this cord. One such had on his forehead a ṭīkā consisting of two curved, horizontal marks, both red; with a black dot between them and a black line below them. Hanumān is indicated by the red lines and the black line and the dot are for Bhāiroṁ.
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⁶ PNO, vol. II, para. 126. Some say sixteen strands, some nine and some twelve.
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¹ So they say at Devī Pātan.
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² So they say at Benares.
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The cord may be worn as a sort of plaited net-jacket. In this case it is first doubled. The end, with bell attached, is hung down in front, the bell reaching to the knees; the cord is then thrown over the left shoulder and turned back under the right shoulder; then around the chest and under the left and over the right shoulder; it is crossed under the long section in front and then wound round and round the body, alternately under and over the front strands and plaited as it is wound about the chest. After the cord is adjusted, two rosaries are put on, one over each shoulder and under the opposite one. Smaller rosaries are put around the neck and on each forearm. ‘Handkerchiefs’ are fastened to the upper arms. The Yogī then takes his bowl, his bag and his fire-tongs and goes out to beg. The wearing of the cord is a matter of choice rather than of regulation.³
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³ This paragraph is based upon exhibitions of putting on the hāl maṭaṅgā by Yogīs at Cawnpore and at Benares.
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An occasional Gorakhnāthī wears the usual janeo, or sacred thread of the Hindu.
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Yogīs are met with who do not wear the sacred thread, siṅgnād-janeo. A Yogī who has attained to unusual spiritual eminence may discard the use of the thread and the ear-rings, saying that he wears them invisibly,⁴ or that he wears them underneath his skin. This is not an uncommon claim in legends about holy men.⁵
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⁴ RTCP, vol. II, p. 402.
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⁵ Compare Rāe Dās, the Chamār, and his Brāhmaṇical cord.—The Chamārs, p. 209.
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Although Kānphaṭa Yogīs wear no distinctive rosaries, they do use some that are of significance and of interest. One of these consisting of rudrākṣa berries is that commonly worn by Śaivites. It is hung around the neck and consists of thirty-two, of sixty-four, of eighty-four, of one hundred and eight, or even of more berries.¹ A smaller one having eighteen² or twenty-eight berries,³ is worn on the wrist, or elbow. This is called *sumaraṇī*. The small rosary is often carried in the hand. Beads are used in worship and as a check on memory, while repeating the names of God. This is evident from the technical terms for rosary, *japa mālā*, ‘muttering chaplet’ and *sumaraṇī*, ‘remembrancer.’ A Śaivite has to recite the 1,008 names of his god.⁴
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¹ Eighty-four beads make up the proper Śaivite rosary. It is interesting to note that 84 = 7 × 12 and symbolizes the number of the planets (7) and the signs of the Zodiac (12). 108 = 9 × 12 where the moon is counted in its three phases as increasing, full and waning to make-up nine (9). ‘Consequently these Hindu rosaries symbolize the whole circuit of the hosts of heaven.’ (See, in *Journal of the Royal Society of Arts*, vol. L. (1902), p. 275 f., a discussion, by Sir George Birdwood, of a paper on ‘The History of the Rosary in all Countries’ by the Rev. H. Thurston, S.J.) 108 = 2² × 3³ and is, therefore, an auspicious number.
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² So reported at Dhinodhar.
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³ So reported in the ‘hills.’
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⁴ Śāktas count up to one hundred, using the finger (joints) of the right hand, and keep score by joints of the fingers of the left hand, They use dead men’s teeth and similar relics also, for beads.—*ERE*, vol. X, p. 848 f.
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Rudrākṣa berries (of the tree *elaeocarpus ganitrus*⁵) are significant for the Yogī in many ways. The word ‘rudrākṣa’ means ‘eye of Rudra (Śiva)’ and may refer to the third, now invisible, eye of that god, which will be opened for the destruction of the world.⁶ There is a mark on the seed that is said to resemble an eye. Or, the berries may refer to the tears, shed by Śiva⁷ in rage when he set out to destroy the three cities, Tripura; for those tears became rudrākṣa berries. Again, some say that the string of 108 berries represents that many successive appearances of Śiva on the earth.⁸ The size of the berries is of importance.
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⁵ Seeds of the *badar* or *jujuh*. *PNQ*, vol. II, p. 558.
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⁶ *NCS*, p. 83.
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⁷ *ERE*, vol. X, p. 848.
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⁸ So reported in Benares.
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Rudrākṣa berries are found with faces ranging from one to twenty-one in number, and each kind has a special significance. The usual number of faces is five, and some say that this berry is sacred to Hanumān, or to the Pāṇḍavas. It also represents the five-faced Śiva.⁹
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⁹ *Bengali Religious Lyrics, Śākta*, p. 90. See *Brahmanism and Hinduism*, p. 82 f.
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The number of faces is often merely of symbolic importance; for example, that of three faces represents the trident, or the triad; that of four, the four Vedas, or Brahmā; that of six, the six systems of philosophy; that of seven, the seven the worlds; that of eight, the eight-armed Durgā; that of nine, the nine Nāthas; that of ten, the ten *avtāras* (of Viṣṇu); while that of eleven is sacred to Mahādeva and is counted as the ‘very best’ and is worn by celibates only. It is referred to as *askand* [(?) not spilling, as of semen]. The two-faced berry is worn only by a Yogī who is accompanied by his wife.¹ A much valued berry is that which is double, that is, two berries naturally joined. If the total number of faces on the two be eleven, the double is called Gāurī-Śaṅkar, and it is sacred to Pārvatī (Gāurī) and Śiva. One-faced berries are very seldom found. It is said that kings only possess them, and that one who finds such a berry is set up for life in wealth, because it secures to the owner everything that he may wish. This rare type is often counterfeited.²
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¹ RTCP, vol. II, p. 399.
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² A seed of this kind belonged to Kharak Sing, son of Mahārāja Ranjit Singh, the only one of its kind ever seen; but it has been lost!—Crooke, *Religion and Folklore*, p. 289.
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There is no rule as to the number of faces for the berry that the guru gives to his disciple at the initiation; and the one received at that time may be changed, later on, for one of another number of faces.
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Two rosaries made of white ‘stone’ beads (really nummulities³) are greatly prized by Yogīs. Both are obtained on the difficult pilgrimage to the Vāmacāra Śakti Temple at Hiṅg Lāj.⁴ That made of the smaller ‘stone’ beads is called *Hiṅg Lāj kā thuṃṛā*; the other, made of larger beads, *Āśāpūrī*. The former is said to represent grains of millet (*jawār*), the latter, grains of rice, or *bājra*.⁵ The former is the more commonly worn, and is evidently the more prized. It consists of 500¹ or 1,000 beads.
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³ Of the family *nummulinidae*, a family of foraminifers having a calcareous, symmetrical, usually lentrical or discoidal, shell composed of numerous chambers concentrically arranged. Especially abundant in eocene and oligocene deposits of Eastern and Southern Asia.
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⁴ For the native accounts concerning these beads, see pp. 103 ff.
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⁵ *Jawār*, the larger millet, a common food-grain, *Andro pogon*, *sorghum* or *sorghum vulgare*. *Imperial Gazetteer of India*, Index Volume, Glossary, p. xiv. *Bājra*, bulrush millet, a common food-grain, *pennisetum typhoideum* (ibid., p. vi.)
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¹ Reported at Dhinodhar.
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Necklaces made of beads of glass, of china, and of other materials are worn by Yogīs, but, apparently, with no special religious significance.
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All Yogīs use ashes, but the practice is not limited to them, for all ascetics observe the custom, which is very old. *Sabhasma-dṛja*, ‘sprinkled with ashes,’ is a generic term for Śaivite.² Kānphaṭas use ashes for the *tripuṇḍ* (*tripuṇḍra*) or triple mark drawn across the forehead, and on other parts of the body. This mark is to represent the half-moon drawn three times. They also cover the body with ashes, or with earth mixed with ashes. Those who go naked rub the whole body with ashes. The hair is also sprinkled with ashes. It is said that the practice serves to protect the user from vermin. Earth is often used instead of ashes.³
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² *BRI*, p. 314, n. 3. *Bṛhat Saṃhitā*, 60, 19, p. 328. (Ed. Kern).
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³ Compare *Panjab Census Report*, 1891, p. 118.
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Ashes may be taken from the *dhūnī*, the Yogī’s hearthfire. Ashes of burned cow-dung are also used. Śiva, as the Yogī *par excellence*, covers his body with ashes from the burning grounds.
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Several reasons are given for the use of ashes.⁴ They signify death to the world,⁵ and, in this case, undoubtedly refer to the burning grounds; or, they may indicate that the body must be reduced to ashes ultimately,¹ or they may be a sign that the Yogī has abandoned the world.
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⁴ There are elaborate explanations of the practice as it relates to Śiva. For example: ‘The sacred body of Śiva is covered with ashes naturally. In this form it is called ‘the eternal ashes.’ In the next place after he has, by a spark emitted out of his central eye, reduced the gods together with all animate and inanimate beings to ashes at the end of each *kalpa*, he rubs their ashes upon his sacred body. In this form it is called ‘the original ashes,’ and since the god thus adorns his sacred body, they only can be the true servants of Śiva who constantly wear the sacred ashes rubbed upon their person. The reward for so doing is declared in the *Āgamas* to be the blotting out of all the greater sins. They also teach that the ashes to have this effect must be made of cow-dung: and that there are three methods of preparing them, namely, *Kalpa*, *Anakalpa* and *Upakalpa*; and that no other ashes but such as are made in one of these three ways must be rubbed on the body.’ Quoted by Murdock in his *Śiva Bhakti*, p. 17.
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⁵ *RTCP*, vol. II, p. 140.
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¹ B. and H, p. 67, n. 1.
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Ashes protect from evil spirits as well.
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The common mark placed upon the forehead by the Yogī is the tripuṇḍ, consisting of three horizontal lines, or of a broad band, made by the hand, with ashes, with ashes and clay, or with sandal-wood paste. Similar lines are drawn on other parts of the body, for example, on the arms and chest.² These are, strictly, Śaivite marks. The tripuṇḍ is sometimes said to represent the moon. Some Yogīs put on the forehead a mark consisting of a black, horizontal line with a black dot above it, representing Bhāirom; and below it a red circle representing Hanumān (Mahābīr). A few put a single spot of sandal-wood paste on the forehead, when they are ‘offering’ the paste to Bhāirom.³ Still others put a black spot on the forehead when they are burning incense. Other forms of the ṭīkā are the double square of sandal-wood paste:⁴ a single spot of ashes on the forehead; a yellow, rounded rectangle with a red dot in the centre; a rounded rectangle of yellow with a single grain of rice in the middle, below a brush of ashes; two circles one above the other, the upper of sandal-wood paste, the other red;⁵ a circle made of a mixture of sandal-wood paste and a red substance, for Bhāirom; two spots one above the other, the upper red, the lower black; two elongated enclosures one above the other, in red, with a red dot below. In Benares it was explained that these marks have to do with the iṣṭadeva, or chosen god, of the particular Yogī. The examples given by no means exhaust the varieties of ṭīkā employed.
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² NSC, p. 83.
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³ E.g., in Almora.
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⁴ E.g., at Kāma.
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⁵ E.g., at Devī Pātan.
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All Yogīs who make the pilgrimage to Hiṅg Lāj stop at Koteśwar on their return journey and are there branded on the ‘front’ of their right fore arm with an image of the yoni-liṅga. The reason given for this practice will be found in chapter six.⁶ The brand mark which is reproduced bears a phallic significance. It is generally claimed that Yogīs receive no other brand marks.⁷
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⁶ See also PNQ, vol. II, para. 345.
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⁷ So reported at Nainī Tāl, Tulsipur and Gorakhpur.
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At the time that a candidate is made a novice (Aughar), his head, including his scalp-lock (cuṭiya), is shaved. Aside from this, there seems to be no uniform practice with reference to the care of the hair. Apparently the hair on the head and face should all be shaved or none.¹ If a Yogī has his moustache and his beard shaved and not his head, or the reverse, he must pay a fine of one rupee and four annas.² Some allow their hair to grow long³ and it is left unkempt or matted. Others shave their heads. Some braid black wool into their hair.⁴ The photographs shown in this volume indicate a lack of uniformity in practice. It is claimed that those who have their heads shaved wear clothes, while others go scantily clothed (naṅga), or wear no clothes at all, and are obliged to sit on the ground.⁵ But this assertion does not seem to hold good in general.
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¹ So reported at Dhinodhar, Devi Pātan, Gorakhpur.
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² This is 1¼, or 1¼ rupees, five being an auspicious number.
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³ BHCS, p. 403.
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⁴ RTCCP, vol. III, p. 251, quoting Maclagan; OMAS, p. 185.
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⁵ At Devī Pātan.
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There seems to be no rule about the care of the finger-nails. They are trimmed in the usual way. It is reported that some allow the nails to go unpruned.⁶ But this is denied.⁷ The nails are not removed at death.
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⁶ BHCS, p. 403.
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⁷ At Gorakhpur.
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The ‘yellow’⁸ robe is the distinctive dress of the Yogī.
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⁸ Yellow (and red) is a symbol of fertility and is the marriage colour. It is the colour of ripe grain, is lucky, and is connected with the cult of Gāurī. Turmeric as a sacred plant is used in the anointing of the bride and groom. The corpse is anointed with turmeric, since death is looked upon as a marriage. Yellow is also a protection against demons. (Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, p. 295.) Some Rākṣases are yellow. (Keith, Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, vol. I, p. 237.) These notions may have some bearing upon the question of the use of yellow. But the explanation given in the text, below, probably has truth in it.
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The ochre-coloured dress is worn because Śiva ordered it. The cloth of the Yogī was first dyed by Pārvatī who resorted to self-mutilation,⁹ dyed a cloth with her blood, and gave it to Gorakhnāth.
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⁹ RTCB, vol. II, p. 390.
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In practice, the yellow robe is by no means commonly worn. Many dress in the ordinary garb of the Hindu, sometimes coloured with ochre, but very often simply white. Thin cotton is used in the warm weather and slightly heavier clothing in the cold weather. In the Panjab, in the cold season, heavy clothes of wool are worn, made after the common patterns of the people.¹ However, many Yogīs go scantily clothed, wearing only a loin cloth. Some add to this a scarf, or a jacket of the usual type. A girdle of wool (*ārband*)² is sometimes the only clothing. At Deoprayāg in the Himālayas there was (in 1924) a Nāga, who was absolutely naked. He lived in a cave, alone. He never crossed the river (Bhāgīrathī) into the town. He bathed three times a day and then rubbed his body with ashes. He performed his evening worship facing the east. Occasionally one sees a long, loose robe of orange colour, often drawn in at the waist with a cord.
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¹ See various photographs.
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² See p. 12 above.
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The headdress varies greatly. Turbans (*pagṛī*) are common. These are either white or ochre-coloured, as a rule. Many wear a simple white cap, others a cap of patch-work.³ This last is the characteristic headdress of the *Satnāthīs*.⁴ while travelling. A conical cap of nine sections,⁵ with ear-flaps, or a cap of black ribbons is worn.⁶ Still others wear no head covering at all. The Āughars of Kirāna wear an ochre-coloured turban over which is twisted a net work of black thread, covered with gold. The head of the monastery at Kāma has a flat, or cylindrical, turban made of threads of black sheep’s wool, for special occasions. But, commonly, he wore a white skull-cap of the ordinary ‘Hindu’ pattern.
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³ ‘In Sind, Yogīs wear caps.’ (Hughes, *A Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh*, p. 96). The cap is not described.
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⁴ This was reported at Purī. see *Wi*, p. 216; Conybeare, *Statistical and Historical Account of the North-Western Provinces of India*, Bareilly, p. 592.
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⁵ *PNQ*, vol. II, para 279.
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⁶ *SHTC*, p. 262; *BCI*, vol. II, p. 497.
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Besides rosaries and other articles of dress and ornaments as already described, Yogīs wear certain objects for personal adornment. Bracelets of brass, of precious metals and of rhinoceros leather may be mentioned; brass bracelets obtained in Nepāl, like the *pāvitrī* of brass already described, having on the rim an image of Paśupati, with Nanda, the bull, on one side and the trident on the other; and armlets of copper from Kedārnāth and of iron from Badrināth. Some Yogīs wear anklets. *Kaṅgnas*, or wristlets and armlets made of thread are worn, likewise charms and amulets of the usual types. The mahant at Gorakhpur wore on his right arm two cylindrical cases of gold, containing charms.¹ Finger rings of various patterns and materials are common.
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¹ In the spring of 1924.
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The dress of some notables of the Kānphaṭas may be described. The pīr of Dhinodhar wears very rich clothes. As described in 1839,² his dress of honour consisted of a gold-bordered silk turban, a scanty waist band, a sacred woollen neck thread, a *sheli*, a red, or brick-coloured scarf, and wooden pattens. He was allowed to wear neither an *aṅgarakhā* nor leather shoes.³ Some of his ornaments were very valuable, and some were very old. His ear-rings were of gold, very large, and inlaid with gems. They were so heavy that they had to be supported by a string passed over his head. His finger rings were of gold, and of the ‘Kacch’ pattern, and his bracelets were broad and heavy. On the morning of the author’s visit to Dhinodhar⁴ the pīr was dressed much as was his predecessor in 1839. His turban was of black cloth and his waist-band of heavy, dark-red silk, rolled and wound about him. He wore in his girdle a two-handled dagger, finished in gold. This was a mark of distinction. He was dressed in white. His shawl was ochre-coloured. He wore the usual rosaries and had on much jewelry, including strings of beads, and a heavy, finely-wrought necklace of gold. His shoes were of the usual pattern, made of wood. The appointments of his *gaddi* (his cushion, or official seat), his *huqqa* (water-pipe), his box and other articles were of silver. His staff was trimmed with silver.
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² *JRAS*, 1839, p. 270.
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³ *IA*, vol. VII, p. 52.
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⁴ The author visited the pīr, on 29th March, 1924.
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The mahant of Gorakhpur wore (1924) clothes of white, like those of ordinary Hindus. But he had for special occasions a heavy coat of gold-embroidered cloth and a turban. While he was attired in these garments his attendants carried heavy maces of bamboo covered with sheets of silver, and waved over him yak-tail fans.
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The special dress which some Yogīs wear when they go out to beg is very elaborate. The whole process of dressing, as the author saw it, was as follows: First, the Yogī rubbed ashes on his body and face. Then, after putting on a *dhoti*, or loin-cloth, and a jacket, he proceeded to adjust his *hāl matangā*.¹ He then fastened *karngas*, arm bands, short rosaries and ‘handkerchiefs’ to his wrists and arms, slung threads over his shoulders, and put many rosaries around his neck. Then swinging his wallet (food bag) over his left shoulder he took up his fire tongs and his begging bowl and started on the round of houses from which he was accustomed to beg.²
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¹ See p. 12 above.
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² An Aipanth Yogī donned all his clothes in the presence of the author one morning in November, 1923, in Cawnpore, preparatory to begging.
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Like most Indian ascetics, Kānphaṭas have a number of necessary accessories. Among these is the *dhūnī*, or fire, consisting of a smouldering log of wood (or more than one), sometimes in a hollow pit. Whenever he takes up his abode he lights his fire, provided there is not one already at the place. At all important shrines and monasteries such fires are found, some of which have been kept burning for long periods of time. The *dhūnī* at Dhinodhar, and those at Gorakhpur, Ṭilla and Pāe Dhūnī in Bombay are famous because of associations with Dharamnāth, Gorakhnāth and others. These have been kept burning for centuries. It is an interesting fact that the Forest Department of Government supplies two hundred and fifty bullock carts of wood annually for the *dhūnī* of Bhāirom at the shrine of Devī Pātan. Householders of the Kānphaṭas keep a *dhūnī* in their houses.³
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³ So reported in Almora.
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Kānphaṭa Yogīs carry a begging bowl, a wallet, fire-tongs, and a staff, and use a crutch. The begging bowl (*khappar*) may be of cocoanut shell. The most prized bowls of this kind are of large size, made of *dariya nārial*, the large variety of cocoanut found in the west. These are blackened, and are without a handle. Some use a bowl with a handle, but the regulation pattern is as just described. A bowl with a handle, made of gourd, is also used. This is a common type and is often called *tomṛī*. A bowl of this shape, made of brass is often seen.
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The wallet, or bag, which is made of red cloth, is square in shape. It is usually hung from the left shoulder, and is used to carry utensils and the supplies collected while begging. There is no prescribed length for the fire-tongs (*cimṭā*). All ascetics carry them. Tongs may serve as a weapon, and perhaps, incidentally as a protection against evil spirits. Occasionally the tongs take the place of a musical instrument. Sometimes a pair of tweezers is attached to the tongs. These are used to handle coals for the *cilam*, or pipe bowl. The tweezers may be attached to the pipe bowl by a chain.
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The staff of the Kānphaṭas is of bamboo, or of *timur*, a stick covered with knots, or a trident of metal.¹ At Purī² a Satnāth Yogī of the monastery carried a club,³ made of straw covered with cloth, called a *sudarṣan*. In Bombay and Belgaon the trident is carried by Yogīs while they are out begging.⁴ Sticks of the ordinary kinds are also carried.
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¹ The trident was formerly a weapon, and is well-known. It is connected with sun worship and with the solar race. (*JRAS*, 1891, p. 389.) Its use in India goes back at least as far as the Indus River Civilization.
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² In 1924.
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³ Reminiscent of Lakulīśa?
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⁴ Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XXI, p. 185; *PNQ*, vol. II, para 964,.
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The crutch, *ācal*, is made of a horizontal stick about sixteen inches long, fastened to a short perpendicular support. It is used as a rest for the chin, or the arms, during meditation and at certain other times. Crutches are used to support the body prepared for burial.
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The conch shell is used by Yogīs in worship, being blown at the time of service.
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As a rule the hour-glass-shaped drum (*dholak*) is not used by Yogīs, although Śiva as Nātarāja carries one. But there are exceptions; e.g., in Almora. In Bombay there is a class of Yogīs who carry a drum (*dāur*), and who, therefore, are called Dāurī Gosāins.⁵
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⁵ *ERE*, vol. XII, p. 835.
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Some Yogīs in Benares and elsewhere carry a fan made of peacock feathers (han mocal) used to keep off flies, and also in exorcism, to keep off evil spirits, and to relieve children suffering from the effects of the evil eye.¹
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¹ Compare *RTCCP*, vol. III, p. 253.
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Yogīs have a reputation for certain habits and practices which are not well thought of, some of which are quite common amongst them, and some of which are confined to the few. Not all that is said and written about Yogīs applies to the Kānphaṭa. But the following practices are found to a greater or less extent amongst the Gorakhnāthīs. They make charms for themselves, and some sell them to others;² they pronounce spells and practice palmistry and juggling,³ tell fortunes,⁴ and interpret dreams; they sell a woollen amulet to protect children from the evil eye;⁵ and they pretend to cure disease,⁶ muttering texts over the sick, and practising medicine and exorcism, and vending drugs. Russell says that Nandia Yogīs lay claim to supernatural and magic powers. This is, of course, involved in their practice of medicine and exorcism and belief in Yoga. Some are reputed to have transmuted base metals into gold or silver. There is a legend of such transmutation in the times of Altamsh.⁷ Others, for fraud, impersonate members of families on pilgrimages.⁸ Still others resort to gambling and swindling and the three card game. Some are said to be able to control hail storms. In Siālkot there was once a Yogī (rathbana) who could impose a check upon hail, or direct it into waste land.⁹ There are Yogīs who are engaged in extensive commercial enterprises;¹⁰ others, like those in Benares, were rich;¹¹ still others are enrolled in the armies of Hindu kings.¹² Others are engaged in trades; and some sell small wares and silk thread.¹³ In Almora they are to be found as tailors and sellers of milk. In many parts of India Yogīs are found as weavers, and are rated as inferior Śūdras, illegitimate and semi-legitimate descendants of Yogīs of Gorakhpur.¹ Some sell apron strings and lace. The author once found a Yogī in charge of a government rest house. Others are engaged in agriculture, their women helping them in sowing and weeding.²
First 195 of 222 passages. Read on
Linked texts (8)
- Bṛhatsaṃhitā — Varāhamihira, Sanskrit
- Haṭhapradīpikā — Svātmārāma, Sanskrit
- Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
- Śvetāmbara Āgama — Ardhamāgadhī Prakrit
- Indian Antiquary
- Junâgaḍh
- Pur
- Gorakhpur