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Minerals and Metals in Ancient India v2: Volume 2

Minerals and Metals in Ancient India v2

Language
English

Contents

Volume 2

Front matter

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VOL. 2 LITERARY EVIDENCE

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ARUN KUMAR BISWAS

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IN ANCIENT INDIA

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VOL. 2

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Bisi गुरुकुल कांगड़ी विश्वविद्यालय कृपया पुस्तक के ऊपर कोई निशान आदि न लगायें।

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पुस्तक-विवरण की तिथि नीचे अंकित हैं। इस तिथि सहित ३०वें दिन यह पुस्तक पुस्तकालय में वापिस आ जानी चाहिए। अन्यथा ५० पैसे प्रति दिन के हिसाब से विलम्ब दण्ड लगेगा।

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Minerals and of Ancient India

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Volume II

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Indigenous Literary Evidence

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Arun Kumar Biswas Sulekha Biswas

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D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd. NEW DELHI-110015

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**Cataloging in Publication Data — DK** Biswas, Arun Kumar, 1934 - Minerals and Metals in Ancient India Includes bibliographical references (p. ). Includes index.

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1. Minerals -- India, Ancient. 2. Metals -- India, Ancient. 3. Metallurgy -- India, Ancient.
1. Biswas, Sulekha II. Title.

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ISBN 81-246-0048-1 (set) ISBN 81-246-0050-3 (vol. 2)

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**First Published in India in 1996** © Prof. Arun Kumar Biswas, 1994

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No reproduction or translation of this book or part thereof in any form, except brief quotations, should be made without the written permission of the Author and Publishers.

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Published and printed by : D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd. Regd. office : ‘Sri Kunj’, F-52, Bali Nagar New Delhi - 110015 Phone: (011) 546-6019; Fax: (011) 546-5926

Preface

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*Minerals and Metals in Ancient India* Volume I dealt with the archaeological evidences (foreigners' travel accounts also noted) showing the use of minerals and metals in ancient India, the period spanning from the Pre-Harappan era up to AD 1200.

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This Volume II covers the period between the *Ṛgveda* and the early fourteenth century AD text *Rasaratnasamuccaya* dwelling on the indigenous literary evidences on the use of minerals and metals in ancient India, more particularly the relevant Sanskrit literature.

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The archaeological evidences clearly prove that the ancient Indians were familiar with gems, non-gem minerals and metals, even before the Harappan era. The literary evidences however start with the *Ṛgveda* which, we believe, was contemporaneous with the Harappan civilization in the Sarasvati Valley.

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After an introduction to the subject in chapter 1, this dissertation begins with the *Ṛgvedic* evidences of the ancient metallurgy in India (chapter 2). The post-Ṛgvedic literature (chapter 3) mentioned specific metals including iron, a few gems and non-gem minerals. Surprisingly however, the details of iron-making or the newly invented potteries such as PGW/NBPW are not found even in the later Vedic literatures; this is probably an effect of the casteist division in the society.

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Pāṇini’s *Aṣṭādhyāyī* contains the etymological roots of many technical terms, evolved during the post-Vedic period, and refers to bellows, beryl and coins (chapter 4) which have been found during the archaeological excavations at Taxilā. Kautilīya *Arthaśāstra* describes the Mauryan political economy, the emergence of a large state, the increasing role of mines in the state economy, a large variety of gems constituting the elements of international trade and the diversity of alloys, coins and ornaments (chapter 5).

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Chapter 6 in this volume examines the references to minerals and metals in the epic *Mahābhārata* which must have been compiled in the present form over several centuries.

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A millennium of the *Ratnaśāstra* texts is the subject-matter of chapter 7, in which the large variety of gems mentioned in the Sanskrit texts have been discussed from the modern scientific standpoint. Similarly, the *Rasaśāstra* texts dealing with chemical and metallic transformations, which evolved over centuries, have been discussed in chapter 8.

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Whereas *Rasaśāstra* or Indian alchemy indulged in an extravaganza of wild concepts such as conversion of base metals to gold, discovering a drug for immortality and so on, the subsequent literatures on iatrochemistry became more realistic. *Rasaratnasamuccaya* of the early fourteenth century AD period, is a pinnacle of Indian iatrochemistry and discussed in our penultimate chapter 9.

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The last chapter summarises our findings; furthermore two specific topics are discussed therein. The problem of correlating the evidences in the Sanskrit literatures and the archaeological evidences has been critically examined. Secondly, we have made a brief presentation of the irrational as well as the rational or positive elements of philosophical thinking in India as revealed in the Sanskrit literatures related to minerals and metals.

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Several appendices are presented at the end of this volume. The technical words appearing in the literature have been stratified: (A) modern scientific nomenclatures, then those belonging to, (B) *Ṛgveda* and post-*Ṛgvedic* period, (C) Pāṇini’s *Aṣṭādhyāyī*, (D) Kauṭilīya *Arthaśāstra*, and (E) post-Christian eras. The entire Sanskrit literature on minerals and metals has been scanned from a modern standpoint, and therefore, appendix ‘A’ fittingly provides scientific information on the minerals discussed in this thesis. Our studies on the subject up to AD 1200 (earlier Volume I and this Volume II) are being extended to cover the pre-modern period (AD 1200-1900) as well.

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Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur, 1995

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Arun Kumar Biswas

Acknowledgement

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We are deeply indebted to the Indian National Commission for History of Science for sponsoring our work on Minerals and Metals in Ancient India up to AD 1200, extending financial assistance for the period 1987-91, and allowing us to publish the report in two volumes.

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We heartily thank the Commission and the staff of the History of Science Division of the Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi for their splendid and manifold assistance.

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Arun Kumar Biswas

Contents

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Preface . . . . . v

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Acknowledgement . . . . . vii

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List of Tables . . . . . xi

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List of Illustrations . . . . . xiii

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Abbreviations . . . . . xv

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1. Introduction . . . . . 1

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2. Materials and Metals in the *Ṛgveda* . . . . . 5

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3. Minerals and Metals in the Vedic Literature after *Ṛgveda* ......... 15

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4. Materials and Concepts in Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī . . . . . 29

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5. Minerals and Metals in Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra . . . . . 39

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6. Minerals and Metals in the Indian Epics from an Archaeological Viewpoint . . . . . 57

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7. A Millennium of Ratnaśāstra (Gemmology) Literature in India ... 69

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8. Non-Gem Minerals and Metals in the Ancient Texts Culminating to Rasaśāstra . . . . . 125

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9. Rasaratnasamuccaya — A Pinnacle in the Indian Iatro-Chemistry . . . . . 153

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10. Resumé . . . . . 177

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Coloured Illustrations . . . . . 187

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APPENDICES

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A. Scientific Information on the Minerals Used in the Ancient Period of Human History 199

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B. Words Related to Minerals and Metals in the Rgveda. Additional Technical Terms in the other Vedic Literatures 213

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C. Technical Terms Related to Minerals and Metals Mentioned in Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī 221

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D. Some Typical Technical Words in Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra 235

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E. Some Technical Words in the Post-Christian Era Indian Literature Related to Minerals and Metals 243

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Bibliography 251

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| 7.1 | Some Indian Texts Containing References to Gemmology (*Ratnaśāstra*) | 70 |
| 7.2 | Gem Categories of Importance in the Ancient World | 72 |
| 8.1 | Chronological Account of Principal *Rasaśāstra* Texts. | 141 |
| Chap. 9 | Extracts from *Rasaratnasamuccaya* | 171 |

List of Illustrations

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*Ill. 2.1* Amethyst 52 x 60 mm. Manganese containing quartz or sphatika.

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*Ill. 2.2* Colour in Agate/Carnelian Amongst the earliest gems in India.

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*Ill. 2.3* Native Gold on Quartz. Often ends up in river sand (through metamorphosis) recovered by Indian artisans for ages.

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*Ill. 2.4* Hope Diamond, probably part of Great Blue diamond taken from India by Tavernier. Now this is in Smithsonian Institution, U.S.A.

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*Ill. 2.5* Hexagonal Ruby or Padmarāga.

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*Ill. 2.6* The Star of India. Largest Sapphire — 563 Carats.

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*Ill. 2.7* Faint green hexagonal beryl or vaidūrya. Ratnaśalākā of Kālidāsa.

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*Ill. 2.8* Emerald Crystals in Limestone.

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*Ill. 2.9* Panning for gems in the Mahānadī. Inset an aquamarine or probably green beryl.

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*Ill. 2.10* (a) Rosser Reeves Ruby (138.7 carats) from Sri Lanka — the largest and finest star ruby in the world. (b) 911 carat aquamarine from Brazil. (c) The Maharani — 58.2 carat chrysoberyl cat's eye.

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*Ill. 2.11* Emerald. The name was derived from the Sanskrit word Marakata meaning the (Egyptian) gem found near desert (maru) and sea-coast (kata), Masāraka (Egyptian gem) and Smaragdos.

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*Ill. 2.12* The Taj Mahal Emerald, Mughal, circa 1630-50, Colombian emerald, 4 x 5 cm. weight: 141.13 carats.

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*Ill. 2.13* Weight for Floor Covering, Mughal, circa 1700, alabaster with gemstone inlay, 9.5 x 8.5 cm.

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*Ill. 2.14* Istanbul Dagger set with three emeralds, Istanbul Museum.

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*Ill. 2.15* 18-19th century 94.5 cm. long sword of the Maharaja of Holkar set with rubies, emeralds, diamond and onyx, Victoria & Albert Museum, London.

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*Ill. 2.16* Skandamātā. Tanesara — Mahadeva, south of Udaipur. Blue Schist. Rajasthan, Los Angles County Museum of Art.

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*Ill. 2.17* Gaṅgā and Yamunā. Terracotta. Ahicchatra. New Delhi, National Museum.

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*Ill. 2.18, 2.19* The famous Ajantā Buddhistic cave and temple have been carved out of basaltic rock.

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*Ill. 2.20* The famous painting ‘Black princess’ (Ajantā, cave no. 1). The pigments used in the Ajantā paintings are lamp black, charcoal, red and yellow ochres, vermillion, ultramarine, terre verte etc.

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*Ill. 2.21* Maternity scene in Black basalt. Could be birth of Kṛṣṇa, Devakī and Kṛṣṇa. Pāla, 11th century AD, New Delhi, National Museum.

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*Ill. 2.22* Koṇārka Temple 13th century in Khondalite rock.

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*Ill. 2.23* Female Musician. Koṇārka Temple, in Khondalite rock. Erosion is on account of decomposition of the Khondalite mineral.

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*Ill. 2.24* Avalokiteśvara (Bronze). Hemis Gumpha, Leh, 15th century. Inset blue turquoise.

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*Ill. 2.25* Dancing Tārā. Gilded Statuette set with turquoise, ruby and other semi-precious stones. 18th Century AD, Nepalese statuette. Bombay, Prince of Wales Museum of Western India.

Abbreviations

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| *Ait. Brā.* | — | *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa* |
| *AK* | — | *Amarakośa* |
| *AM* | — | *Agastimata* |
| *ARR* | — | *Agastiya Ratnaparīkṣā* |
| *AS* | — | *Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra* |
| *ASHR* | — | *Aṣṭāṅgahṛdaya* |
| *Āsval. ŚS* | — | *Āsvalāyana Śrautrasūtra* |
| *AV* | — | *Atharva Veda* |
| *BARC* | — | Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Bombay |
| *B&RW* | — | Blue and Red Ware |
| *Bṛ.Saṃ.* | — | *Bṛhat Saṃhitā* |
| *B.Up.* | — | *Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad* |
| *Chā. Up.* | — | *Chāndogya Upaniṣad* |
| *DKM* | — | *Dhātukriyā* or *Dhātumañjarī* |
| *DRN* | — | *Dhāturatnamālā* |
| *DV* | — | *Dhātuvāda* |
| *GP* | — | *Garuḍa Purāṇa* |
| *Jai. Brā.* | — | *Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa* |
| *Jai. Brā. Up.* | — | *Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa Upaniṣad* |
| *K. Y. V* | — | *Kṛṣṇa Yajurveda* |
| *Kā. ŚS* | — | *Kātyāyana Śrauta Sūtra* |
| *Kā. Saṃ.* | — | *Kaṭhaka Saṃhitā* |

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| *Katha Up.* | — | *Katha Upaniṣad* |
| *Kau. Brā.* | — | *Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa* |
| *Kau. S.* | — | *Kausīka Sūtra* |
| *LRP* | — | *Laghu Ratna Parīkṣā* |
| *Mait. Sam.* | — | *Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā* |
| *Mait.Up.* | — | *Maitrāyaṇī Upaniṣad* |
| *Manu* | — | *Manu Smṛti* |
| *MCK* | — | E.J.H. Mackay’s *Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro* (Vol. 1) |
| *ML* | — | *Mānasollāsa* |
| *MM* | — | *Maṇimālā* |
| *MS-I* | — | J. Marshall’s *Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilizations* (Vol. I) |
| *MS-II* | — | J. Marshall’s *Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilizations* (Vol. II) |
| *MSV* | — | Madho Sarup Vats’ *Excavation at Harappa* (Vol. 1) |
| *NBPW* | — | Northern Black Polished Ware |
| *Nir.* | — | *Nirukta* |
| *NRP* | — | *Navaratnaparīkṣā* |
| *OCP* | — | Ochre Coloured Pottery |
| *Pam. Vi. Brā.* | — | *Pañca Viṃsa Brāhmaṇa* or *Tāṇḍya Brāhmaṇa* |
| *Pāṇ.* | — | *Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī* |
| *PGW* | — | Painted Grey Ware |
| *RASASA* | — | *Rasendra-Sāra-Saṃgraha* |
| *RCD* | — | *Rasendracūḍāmaṇi* |
| *RCM* | — | *Rasacintāmaṇi* |
| *RCT* | — | *Rasendra-Cintāmaṇi* |
| *RHR* | — | *Rasahṛdaya* |
| *RJL* | — | *Rasajalalakṣmī* |

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| *RKP* | — | *Rasakalpa* |
| *RN* | — | *Rājanighaṇṭu* |
| *RNM* | — | *Rasanakṣatramālikā* |
| *RNVK* | — | *Rasārṇavakalpa* |
| *RNV* | — | *Rasārṇava* |
| *RP* | — | *Ratnaparīkṣā* |
| *RPS* | — | *Rasaprakāśa Sudhākara* |
| *RR* | — | *Rasa-Ratnākara* |
| *RRS* | — | *Rasaratnasamuccaya* |
| *RS* | — | *Ratnasaṃgraha* |
| *RV* | — | *Ṛgveda* |
| *RYP* | — | *Rayaṇaparikkhā* |
| *RYT* | — | *Rudrayamala Tantra* |
| *Ś. Brā.* | — | *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* |
| *SP* | — | *Skanda Purāṇa* |
| *SSRS* | — | *Sarveśvararasāyana* |
| *ST* | — | *Suvarṇatantra or Svarṇatantra* |
| *Ś Y V* | — | *Śukla Yajurveda* |
| *S. Vi. Brā.* | — | *Saḍa Viṃśa Brāhmaṇa* |
| *Sāṅkh. Ā* | — | *Sāṅkhyāyana Āraṇyaka* |
| *Sāṅkh. ŚS* | — | *Sāṅkhyāyana Śrautasūtra* |
| *Tait. Ā* | — | *Taittirīya Āraṇyaka* |
| *Tait. Brā.* | — | *Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa* |
| *Tait. Saṃ.* | — | *Taittirīya Saṃhitā (Same as K. YV)* |
| *Vā. Saṃ.* | — | *Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā* |

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THIS volume seeks to record ancient India’s long acquaintance and sustained expertise in the fields of gems, non-gem minerals, metals and alloys, as revealed from the Vedic and Sanskrit literature. The period from the Rgveda to the Rasaratnasamuccaya (RRS) covers nearly three millennia. Traditionally, the ‘ancient’ period in India is said to have ended around AD 1200 with the firm grip of the Muslims over this sub-continent. Our narrative however includes RRS, an early fourteenth century AD treatise, since it provides a comprehensive review of the earlier Sanskrit literatures and the state-of-the art in the field of our interest. We have also given references to some Pāli and Prākṛt texts, to substantiate our findings.

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A major problem about the literary sources, specially in terms of their correlation with the archaeological data, is concerned with their dates. The problem is specially acute with the Rgveda; we cannot accept Max Müller’s proposition of 1200 BC as the date of the Rgveda, since this is the accepted date of the Mahābhārata-famed archaeological site of Hastināpura. The events of the Sarasvati river valley, as described in the Rgveda, must have taken place in the third millennium BC, witnessing a fully grown Harappan civilization. This point shall be elaborated later. We also have controversies regarding the dates of Pāṇini, Kauṭilya, Nāgārjuna, etc., on which we would submit our considered opinions.

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The writings on minerals and metals in the Sanskrit literature are surprisingly scanty and scattered. These have been often peripheral to other topics of interest such as philosophy, theology, poetry and history as in the Vedic literatures, and later grammar, political economy, prognostication, astrology, medicine and alchemy, etc. Fortunately, the writers and compilers of the above topics had some interest in gems, non-gem minerals, metals, alloys, etc. and thus we have been benefited from their treatises.

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Another fact that stands out is that the references to minerals and metals appeared much after the actual uses had already been made. This was partly because, as we have explained, the writers were primarily interested in subjects other than minerals and metals. Another reason, probably the major one, behind this time-lag was the rigid division of labour and casteism which discouraged fast diffusion of knowledge. The metal-smiths were low-caste people, debarred from studying the Vedas, and the Vedic scholars were often ignorant of metallurgy. The traditional scholars took some interest in astronomy, mathematics and geometry on account of their involvement with the rituals, which were not concerned with smelting, pottery-making, etc. The gap between metallurgy and scholasticism however narrowed somewhat in the Maurya and Gupta eras.

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We have tried to elucidate the ancient Sanskrit technical terms in the light of our modern scientific knowledge. In several cases, doubts and controversies persist. More research is necessary to fully explain certain terms such as vaikṛntaka, capala, bhīṣma, etc.

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Chapters 2 and 3 deal with the evidences from the Ṛgveda and other Vedic literatures, respectively. The writings of Pāṇini (chapter 4) and Kauṭilya (chapter 5) throw a flood of light on the ever-increasing use and knowledge of minerals and metals attending the second phase of urbanisation in the ancient India. The data on Mahābhārata (chapter 6) show how the epic was enlarged with metallurgical references inserted during the historical period after 500 BC.

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One millennium of gemmology studies in India has been reviewed in chapter 7. The studies on medicine were initiated during the age of Atharvaveda, when botanical as well as mineralogical recipes were tried on patients, and their effects studied. From Caraka to Patañjali to Nāgārjuna, the Rasaśāstra was developed in stages which grew to its full stature during the Tāntric period of alchemy (AD 700 to 1300). Around AD 1300 started the iatrochemical period. Some fifteen centuries of progress in Rasaśāstra (reviewed in chapter 8) also reflected India’s continuing involvement in gems, minerals and metals. Chapter 9 presents the highlights of the fourteenth century AD text Rasaratnasamuccaya which gives us almost the last word about ‘ancient’ India’s progress in the field of our study.

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The last chapter contains our concluding remarks, and highlights the following points pertaining to the Sanskrit literatures on minerals and metals in ancient India :

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(a) Correlation of the literary evidences with the archaeological data and other historical facts, and

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(b) The revelations about the scientific concepts and socio-philosophical attitude in ancient India.

2. Minerals and Metals in the Ṛgveda

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The *Ṛgveda* (*RV*) is the oldest Indo-Aryan literary document available to us. Before we discuss the metals and minerals mentioned in the *Ṛgveda*, we may briefly comment on the controversial views on its authorship and date of compilation.

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Max Müller, the famous scholar and translator of the *Ṛgveda*, noticed the similarities between the Indo-European languages and proposed in 1859, that *Ṛgveda* was compiled around 1200 BC by the Āryans ‘who had come to India from outside around 1500 BC’ (Max Müller, 1859) His theory was shown by Winternitz, Bühler, Macdonnel, Muir, etc. to be based on very flimsy premises. John Muir asserted in 1872 that the Ṛgvedic Āryans were not aware of any land outside India, and also that ‘the nations whose speech is derived from Sanskrit have sprung from the gradual dispersal of the ancient Āryan race of India’. (Muir, 1872:2, 322-23). The most recent rebuttal of Max Müller’s dates has been recorded by K.C. Varma (1987). We agree with Winternitz that ‘no power on earth can anytime be sure whether the Vedic hymns were composed 1000 or 2000 or 3000 years before Christ’. As a matter of fact, the verses were orally transmitted through centuries, and the only question is: in which era in the pre-history did the events, narrated in the verses, actually take place.

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Our considered opinion is that the *Ṛgveda* corresponds to the ancient civilization on the valley of the lost river (*vinaśana*) Sarasvatī. (Biswas, 1987) The archaeological expeditions have unearthed not only the ancient course of the said river (Stein, 1942; Ghose *et al.*, 1979) but also the details of many important sites on the river such as Kālībaṅgan (Lal, 1979), Banawālī (Bisht, 1982), Bhagwānpurā (Lal, 1982), etc. C-14 measurements have shown that the different strata of the above settlements ranged from 3000 to 1500 BC. In other words, the Ṛgvedic culture was Pre-, Mature- as well as Post-Harappan. We agree with B.B. Lal (1982:337) that the uninterrupted sequence from the Pre-Harappan ploughed field to the Post-Harappan PGW ‘formed the base on which the Mature Harappan appeared like bubbles on a vast lake, only to disappear and merge into the waters of the lake itself’.

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In other words, we consider that the myth of ‘foreigner Āryans invading India and destroying the totally different Harappan culture’ is fictitious, unproven and unacceptable. Many scholars have provided arguments as to why the myth cannot be accepted at the present level of our knowledge. (Dales, 1964; Poliakov, 1974; Shaffer, 1984; Srivastava, 1984; Biswas, 1988)

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It appears more likely that the Ṛgvedic civilization was indigenous and, flourishing on the banks of the Sarasvatī and its tributaries such as Dṛṣadvatī, Śatadru or Sutlej, was neolithic or mesolithic in the Pre-Harappan, and chalcolithic during the Mature-Harappan era. Its economy was essentially agro-rural when it came into contact with the economically exploiting class of the Panis or Harappan traders. The Ṛgvedic war was basically a civil war fought around 2500-2000 BC and won by the authors of the Ṛgveda. Their opponents belonged to the same racial stock but different religious sect. As the Sarasvatī river got dried up, the Ṛgvedic people moved towards the eastern valley of Gaṅgā and Yamunā and continued with the later part of the Vedic civilization, lasting up to 800 BC and heralding the onset of the second urbanisation and the Historical Period in India.

Transition from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic Age

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Ṛgveda is not a manual on metallurgy, and hence we cannot expect too many details on minerals and metals in this earliest literature of mankind. Yet we do obtain here a glimpse into the transition from the neolithic to the chalcolithic age in India.

v2.c38.s1.2

Ṛgveda (RV) contains several words for the stone: aśman, adri, pāṣya, etc., of which the first, i.e., aśman is the most significant one. Mehta and Kantawala (1987) have discussed the varieties of stone-tools in the Ṛgveda. In RV, 1.191.15 the text bhinadmy aśmanā indicated a cutting stone-tool which could be a blade, celt or cleaver. The aśmānam vajram (RV, 4.22.1) is evidently a vajra or weapon made of stone. Later a similar weapon was made of ayasa or metal. The simultaneous appearance of the words kārmāra and aśman in 9.112.2 led Mehta et al. (1987) to propose that kārmāra was a stone-worker rather than a blacksmith. It may be recorded here that in the Pre-Harappan stratum of Kālibaṅgan, chalcedony and agate blades have been found. These were serrated, mounted on wooden handle and probably used for cutting and sowing. At a later stage, chert blades were introduced. Side by side copper-made axe and paraśu were found, the latter probably used for cutting scrubby bushes. (Lal, 1979:70) Chert and chalcedony blades have been found at Banawālī also. (Bisht, 1982)

v2.c38.s1.3

The vāsī in the Rgveda is probably an adze with a flat surface and a sloping edge for cutting or rough shaping of wooden materials. Its modern equivalent could be the carpenter's basulā (Hindi). Mehta et al. (1987) have pointed out that whereas RV, 10.101.10 refers to aśmanmayī vāsī or stone-made implement, RV, 8.29.3 mentions vāsīm ayasīm or a metallic axe. Sāyaṇa explains that this could be a stone adze with a metallic edge.

Fire in Matallurgy

v2.c38.s2.1

It is evident that the transition from the neolithic to the chalcolithic age has been subtly depicted in the Rgveda. This transition was possible only through the discovery and use of fire. Generation of fire by friction (3.29.1), and its sustenance by the fire-wood (araṇi) and the fuel-wood (atas) have been described in the Rgveda (vide Appendix B — reference to agni, atas and araṇi).

v2.c38.s2.2

Agni or fire has been described as the cradle of (metallic) gems: ratnadhātamam (1.1.1). Here quite evidently, ratna or gem stands for metallic gems like gold and silver. These two metals and also copper have been known to exist in the native or metallic state. It is quite likely that man obtained these three metals in the chalcolithic age solely by melting the ore, using fire and some kind of furnace. At a later stage, copper ores (sulphide or oxide) were smelted or reduced to the metallic state by using fuel-wood or atas, the carbonaceous matter in it serving as the fuel as well as the reductant.

v2.c38.s2.3

The valuable ore body has been known in the Vedic literature as nidhi (RV, 2.24.6 etc.). Mining was known in elementary form. The mined product khanitrima (7.49.2) was obtained by using digging tool or khanitra (1.179.6). Grinding (1.28.4), using muṣala or pestle and ulukhala or mortar (1.28.1-6) was done before the ore-body was put into the furnace.

v2.c38.s2.4

We have indicated before the controversy as to whether kārmāra in 9.112.2 stands for stone-worker or blacksmith. May be there was no fine distinction between the two professions in the Rgvedic age. Kārmāra in RV, 10.72.2 was however clearly a metalsmith who blew in a furnace and made metal objects presumably by casting of molten metal. He is associated with the act of blowing (dhama) in a furnace in order to purify or prepare the metal (RV, 4.2.17, 10.72.2), and was therefore known as dhmātari or one who blows (5.9.5).

v2.c38.s2.5

धमातेव धमति शिशीते धमातरी यथा

v2.c38.s2.6

dhmāteva dhamati śiśīte dhmātari yathā
(5.9.5)
ब्रह्मणस्पतिरेता सं कर्मा र इवाधमत्
brahmaṇaspatiretā saṃ karmārā ivādhamat
(10.72.2)

v2.c38.s2.7

The metallic gem thus obtained by the smelting or melting process was known as dravina (4.5.11, 4.23.4 etc.) and the smelter was known as the melter or dravi (6.3.4) also.

The Meaning of Ayas

v2.c38.s3.1

The sūkta 9.112.2 has been referred to earlier. The full text reads:

v2.c38.s3.2

जरतीभिः ओषधीभिः पर्णेभिः शकुनानाम्
कार्मारी अश्मभिः द्युभिः हिरण्यवन्तम् इच्छति
jaratībhiḥ oṣadhībhiḥ parṇebhiḥ śakunānām
kārmāro aśmabhiḥ dyubhiḥ hiraṇyavantam icchati
(9.112.2)

v2.c38.s3.3

Mehta et al. (1987) felt that kārmāra here could mean a stone-worker. Banerji (1929) however accepted Schraeder’s earlier suggestion that the hymn actually described a smithy. Banerji argued that the passage alludes to the making of carburised iron. The Ṛgvedic smith, according to Banerji, used to convert the bright quartzian magnetic stone of iron oxide to iron through reduction by the carbonaceous dried medicinal plant, and then to carburise it by fusing with birds' wings,

v2.c38.s3.4

Indirectly, Banerji proposes that the word ayas in the Ṛgveda means iron. We do not subscribe to his views. Iron was not discovered in the age of the Ṛgveda. The Sarasvātī valley archaeological sites have not yielded any iron specimen. Iron appeared in India much later, around 1200 BC.

v2.c38.s3.5

The word ayas in the Ṛgveda (1.57.3, 1.163.9, 4.2.17, 6.3.5, 10.53.9-10 etc.) means metal in general, and not iron in particular. In the Ṛgvedic age it probably corresponded to copper and its alloys. In the subsequent Vedic literature, copper was mentioned as the red metal and iron as the black metal. This also proves that ayas in the Ṛgveda could not mean iron specifically. We would propose that the hymn 9.112.2 might have alluded to the making of copper metal through the reduction of its ore or simply to the melting of gold-bearing quartz. The end product of golden ornament, copper implement or copper-tipped arrow were sold to the moneyed people by the metalsmiths.

v2.c38.s3.6

The words *āyasī* and *ayasmaya* meant metallic commodity, and fire was characterised as *ayodaṃṣṭra* (1.88.5, 10.87.2), that which bites metal.

Some Metallic Objects

v2.c38.s4.1

For agriculture, the Ṛgvedic people used plough which had various names e.g., *phāla* (4.57.8, 10.117.7), *lāṅgala* (4.57.4), *vṛka* (1.117.21, 8.22.6), *sirā* (4.57.5 & 8, 10.101.3-4). *Sītā* (the name of the heroine in *Rāmāyaṇa*) means the line or furrow tilled by the plough. The tip of the plough known as *phāla* or *śunā* (4.57.5 & 8) might have been made of sharpened stone during the neolithic age, but was metallic in the chalcolithic era. Sickles *dātra* (8.78.10) and *sṛṇi* (10.101.3) — were used for cutting the crops.

v2.c38.s4.2

Next to the ploughshare, the most important metallic tool in the hands of the Ṛgvedic people were the axe the chisel or the adze which were used to cut the forest trees and utilised as the carpenter's tool. We have earlier discussed that chisels or adzes, *vāsī* or *basulā* were stone-made in the neolithic age (10.101.10) and became metallic in the chalcolithic age (8.29.3). *Kṛti* was a chopper or cutter (1.92.10, 1.168.3), more like a sword, and eventually developed as a scissor. *Swadhiti* (2.39.7, 3.8.11) was a similar instrument. The name sounds similar to sword. *Bhurija* (4.2.14, 8.4.16, 9.71.5) was a carpenter's tool used in the making of chariots.

v2.c38.s4.3

*Kuliśa* (1.32.5) was the axe, the modern *kulhaḍe* or *kuṭhāra*. *Paraśu*, also a sharpened metallic axe, was an offensive weapon. The cow-plunderers ‘came to the east with big *paraśu*’ to attack the Ṛgvedic people (7.83.1). *Vadhara* and *heti* were also weapons, the details of which are not known.

v2.c38.s4.4

Several names were used to indicate an arrow: *iṣu, bāṇa, bunda, śaru, śarya, śaryā, saru* and *sāyaka*. Copper-tipped arrows were evidently not enough to kill the enemy, and therefore poisonous materials were used on the tips: *ālāktā ayomukham iṣu* (6.75.15). There were several kinds of javelins or spears to be thrown at the enemies: *sṛka* (*srja* means to let go or fly), *pavi* (10.180.2), *ṛṣṭi* (1.37.1, 1.64.4, 8.20.11 etc.). The action is clearly conveyed in the text *ṛṣṭiḥ asṛkṣata* (5.52.6). *Vajra* (1.32.2, 1.51.7, 6.23.4) was probably a spear or a barbed harpoon. The metal spike (*śūla*, 1.162.11) and the knife (*sūna*, 1.162.13) could be used either for offensive combats or in connection with cooking.

v2.c38.s4.5

Closer to the domestic scene, we find the uses of the razor (*kṣura*, 1.166.10, 10.142.4), needle (*vesī*, 7.18.17 and *sūcī*, 2.32.4), (some metallic) pitchers (*āhāva, kalaśa* and *kumbha*) and some musical instruments such as *āghāti* (1.146.2) or cymbal and *karkari* (2.43.3) or lute.

v2.c38.s4.6

Some of the copper implements actually found in the Sarasvatī Valley sites are: Kālībaṅgan — celt, hammer, bangle, arrow, fish-hook, axe, paraśu, mirror, pin. (Lal, 1979)

v2.c38.s4.7

Banawālī — arrowhead, bangle, spearhead, sickle blade, razor, chisel, ring, double spiralled and simple pin, ear/nose ring/fish-hook. (Bisht, 1982)

v2.c38.s4.8

The Sarasvatī Valley copper artefacts were not alloyed with tin, and therefore not as hard as those from Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro.

Ornaments and Gems

v2.c38.s5.1

In the *Ṛgveda*, silver has been mentioned only once (*rajata*, 8.25.22). The Sarasvatī Valley has been far from the sources of silver. The Indus system of rivers however provided bank sands containing alluvial gold particles. These rivers were called *hiraṇyavartanī* (6.61.7, 8.26.18, 10.75.8), the golden ways.

v2.c38.s5.2

Quite naturally, the *Ṛgveda* contains references to many golden objects such as a pitcher made of gold (1.117.12). *Khādi* was the general term for golden ornaments: bracelet, armlet or bangle *hasteṣu khādi* (1.168.3) *khādi hastaṃ* (5.58.2), anklet, *patsu khādayo* (5.54.11), shoulder decoration, *aṃseṣu khādayo* (7.56.13) etc. On the finger, *khādi* was known as *vṛṣakhādi* or ring (1.64.10). Armlet or *kavaca* was also known as *pratyatkān* (5.55.6). The golden crown or tiara was known as *śiprā*; this was worn on the forehead:

v2.c38.s5.3

शिप्राः शीर्षसु वितता हिरण्ययीः
*śiprāḥ śīrṣasu vitatā hiraṇyayīḥ*
(5.54.11, 8.7.25)

v2.c38.s5.4

*Rukmā* was defined as the chest ornament made of gold : *vakṣaḥsu rukmā* (5.54.11).

v2.c38.s5.5

Gold ornamental pieces to decorate neck were known as *niṣka* (2.33.10). *Niṣkagrība* meant golden necklace (5.19.3). There was no minted money or golden coin during the *Ṛgvedic* era, but possibly *niṣka*, as a golden lump, often served as the barter or exchange unit of money (1.126.2, 4.37.4, 5.27.2).

v2.c38.s5.6

*Añji* (5.53.4) and *svadhā* (4.10.6) were certain kinds of ornaments, the details of which are not known. *Karṇaśovana* (8.78.3) was evidently the golden ornament for the ear. Excavations at Banawālī have yielded gold necklaces, gold beads and gold-plated terracotta beads. (Bisht, 1982)

v2.c38.s5.7

The *Ṛgveda* refers to gems or *ratna* several times starting from its very first hymn (1.1.1). The other name of gem was *maṇi*, that which decorates (*maṇḍana*). Gems other than metallic gems were specially recognised.

v2.c38.s5.8

हिरण्येन मणिना श्रुम्भमानाः
*hiraṇyena maṇinā śrumbhamāṇāḥ*
(1.33.8)

v2.c38.s5.9

हिरण्यकर्ण मणीग्रीवम्
*hiraṇyakarṇam maṇigrīvam*
(1.122.14)

v2.c38.s5.10

The latter reference alludes to golden ear-ring and a necklace made of gems the like of which has been found at Banawālī. (Bisht, 1982) The *Rgveda* does not discuss different kinds of gems but at least one, namely pearl or *kṛśana* has been specifically mentioned: *abhivṛtam kṛśanai* (1.35.4).

v2.c38.s5.11

Archaeological excavations at Kālībaṅgan have yielded bangles of copper, shell and terracotta, beads of shell, copper, agate and carnelian copper mirrors, ivory combs, etc. At Banawālī we find in the Pre-Harappan level beads of gold, semi-precious stones, steatite (including disc beads), faience, shell, bone and clay; bangles of shell, faience and copper. At the Mature-Harappan level, a jewellery dealer’s large house has been excavated. This was found to contain beads of etched carnelian, gold and lapis lazuli. Also found were gold-plated terracotta beads and numerous steatite seals. At Banawālī, beautiful golden ornaments and finely cut smoky brown crystal stones showed the heights of fine gem craftsmanship. Evidently this river-port was an important and prosperous trading centre. During the Post-Harappan period, the cultural pattern changed at Banawālī. The Harappan seal, chert weights, steatite disc beads, etc. disappeared. The Indus economy had collapsed. But the qualitative and quantitative profusion of faience ornaments such as bangles, anklets, rings, beads and *pipal*-leaf-shaped ear-rings continued to meet the local requirements. The faience items had noteworthy and shiny silvery coatings.

Conclusion

v2.c38.s6.1

There is thus reasonable correlation between the Sarasvati Valley archaeological data, that we have gathered in India after Independence, and the information in the *Rgveda*. The Pre-Harappan Sothi culture that had evolved in the Sarasvati Valley was influenced by the later day Harappan, and yet the original Harappan civilization. The clay stele *Śivaliṅgas*, the fire-worship, the animal sacrifice as religious ritual, and the segregation of population (along caste lines?) at Kālībaṅgan clearly show the *Rgvedic* culture. Mother Goddess and ram figurines at Banawālī and Bhagwānpurā indicate the Sarasvatī cult. The paṇis or the merchants at Banawālī became parts of the Ṛgvedic culture representing islands of affluence in an ocean of agro-rural setting. Gamesman type of ivory or bone cubes remind one of the Ṛgvedic poetry related to a dice player (10.34.1-14). The merchants used to bring lapis lazuli from Afghanistan or Persia, etched carnelian beads from Gujarat and Copper celts from Gaṇeśwar-Jodhpura in Rajasthan.

v2.c38.s6.2

Banerji, M.N., 1929, Iron and Steel in the Rgvedic Age, In The Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. 5, pp. 432-40.

v2.c38.s6.3

Bisht, R.S., 1982, Excavations at Banawali, In Harappan Civilization edited by G.L. Possehl, Oxford and IBH Publishing Co., Delhi, pp. 113-24.

v2.c38.s6.4

Biswas, A.K., 1987, A Pilgrimage to Khetri and the Sarasvati Valley, Sujan Publication, pp. 102-16.

v2.c38.s6.5

Biswas, A.K., 1988, The Aryan Myth presented in the National Conference on Historical Archaeology, Calcutta, July 1988.

v2.c38.s6.6

Chakraborti, D.K., 1968, The Aryan Hypothesis in Indian Archaeology, In Indian Studies Past and Present, 4, pp. 333-58.

v2.c38.s6.7

Dales, G.F., 1964, The Mythical Massacre at Mohenjo-Daro, In Expedition, 6, pp. 36-43.

v2.c38.s6.8

Dyson, R.H. Jr., 1982, Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization, In Harappan Civilization, edited by G.L. Possehl, Oxford and IBH Publishing Co., Delhi, pp. 422-23.

v2.c38.s6.9

Ghose, B., Kar, A. and Zahid Hussein, 1979, The Lost Course of the Sarasvati River in the Great Indian Desert: New Evidence from Landsat Imagery, In The Geographical Journal, 145, (3), 1979, pp. 445-51.

v2.c38.s6.10

Kennedy, K.A.R., 1982, Skulls, Aryans and Flowing Drains, In Harappan Civilization, edited by G.L. Possehl, New Delhi, pp. 289-96.

v2.c38.s6.11

Lal, B.B. 1979, Kalibangan and the Indus Civilization, In Essays in Indian Proto-history, edited by D.P. Agrawal and D.K. Chakrabarti, B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, pp. 65-97.

v2.c38.s6.12

Lal, B.B., 1982, The Role of Bhagwanpura as a Bridge, In Harappan Civilization edited by G.L. Possehl, New Delhi, pp. 335-38.

v2.c38.s6.13

Macdonell, A.A., and Keith, A.B., 1958, Vedic Index (2 Vols.), Motilal Banarsidass, Varanasi.

v2.c38.s6.14

Max Müller, F., 1859, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 249, 313, 435, 497 and 572.

v2.c38.s6.15

Mehta, R.N. and Kantawala, S.G., 1987, Stone Tools in the Rgveda, In Vajpeya: Essays on Evolution of Indian Art and Culture, Prof. K.D. Bajpai Felicitation Volume, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, Volume 1, pp. 23-26.

v2.c38.s6.16

Muir, John, 1872, Original Sanskrit Texts, reprint Delhi, 1972, Volume 2.

v2.c38.s6.17

Poliakov, L., 1974, The Aryan Myth, Basic Books, New York.

v2.c38.s6.18

Shaffer, J.G., 1984, The Indo-Aryan Invasions : Cultural Myth and Archaeological Reality, In The People of South Asia, edited by J.R. Lukacs, Plenum Press, New York, Chapter 4, pp. 77-90.

v2.c38.s6.19

Srivastava, K.M., 1984, The Myth of Aryan Invasion of Harappan Towns, In *Frontiers of the Indus Civilization*, edited by B.B. Lal and S.P. Gupta, Books and Books, Delhi, pp. 437-43.

v2.c38.s6.20

Stein, Aurel, 1942, A Survey of Ancient Sites along the Lost Sarasvati River, In *Geographical Journal*, 99(4), 1942, pp. 174-82.

v2.c38.s6.21

Suryakant, 1963, *Vaidik Kos*, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.

v2.c38.s6.22

Varma K.C., 1987, Date of the Vedic Kalpasutras, In *Archaeology and History — Essays in Memory of Shri A. Ghosh*, edited by B.M. Pande and B.D. Chattopadhyay, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, Volume 2, pp. 601-19.

3. Minerals and Metals in the Vedic Literature after Rgveda

v2.c39.2

BEFORE pursuing our observations on the Vedic literature we wish to re-emphasize why a separate discussion on the Rgveda was undertaken in the previous chapter. The reason was that we had to be firm about the authorship and date of the Rgveda. The idea that the so-called Āryans came from outside, entered India around 1500 BC and composed the Rgveda around 1200 BC has to be abandoned once for all. This is the considered view of most of the modern scholars whom we have quoted in the previous chapter. (Dyson, 1982; Shaffer, 1984)

v2.c39.3

Jim Shaffer has been most categorical:

v2.c39.4

Current archaeological data do not support the existence of an Indo-Aryan or European invasion into South Asia at any time in pre- or proto-historic periods.

v2.c39.5

Thus we were fully entitled to submit that the Rgvedic civilization thrived at Kālībangan, Banawālī, Bhagwānpurā, etc. on the Sarasvatī Valley indigenously, during the third millennium BC.

v2.c39.6

During the beginning of the second millennium BC, there were neo-tectonic movements in the northern part of India (Rajaguru, 1977: 69-72) causing diversion of the earlier channels of Sutlej and Yamunā away from the Sarasvatī. (Raikes, 1968; Pal, Sahai et al., 1980) This caused gradual drying up of the Sarasvatī. The Sanskrit literatures mentioned some of these events in the form of legends: shifting of the course of Yamunā towards Brndābana (Visnupurānam, 5.18 and 5.26.11), submergence of the old city of Hastināpura (Śrīmadbhāgavatam, 10.68.41-42), desertion of the Sarasvatī river valley and migration of the Ṛgvedic people towards the east for sadānīra or the perennial rivers.

v2.c39.7

The vast Vedic literature following the Ṛgveda was compiled between 2000 to 800 BC in the valleys of the Gaṅgā and Yamunā. The Brāhmaṇas explain the verses in the Vedas and codify the rituals. The later day Sūtras describe the rituals in a serial order. Quite naturally, the studies on the material universe were picked up from the point the Ṛgveda left them.

v2.c39.8

In ṚV, 10.129.1-7, the Vedic bard wonders how this universe originated. Muir translates the statement in the fifth hymn svadhāḥ adhastāt prayatiḥ parastāt (10.129.5) as ‘a self-supporting principle beneath, and (spiritual) energy aloft’. Our concern here is not with the spiritual energy of the Creator but with ‘self-supporting principle’ in this world of creation. B.Up. describes the cosmic evolution: ‘Initially the universe was only space. Gradually it condensed to form atmosphere and then water. The earth differentiated in the form of dense layer on the primordial water:

v2.c39.9

यदपां शर आसीत् तत् समहन्यत । सा पृथिवी अभवत्
*yadapām śara āsit tat samahanyata | sā pṛthivī abhavat*
(B.Up., 1.2. 1-3)

v2.c39.10

The Ś. Brā continues the theory of material evolution: ‘From water was created foam, from foam to clay; clay gave rise to sand, then subsequent steps evolved pebble, stone, metal ore, and gold’. (Ś. Brā, 6.1.3.1-5) The Kaṭha Upaniṣad conceived of the smallest state of existence of matter, namely an aṇu or a molecule, and proposed that consciousness or the self is greater than the greatest and yet subtler than the smallest:

v2.c39.11

अणोरणीयान् महतो महीयान्
*aṇoraṇīyān mahato mahīyān*
(*Kaṭha Up.*, 1.2.20)

Minerals and Metals

v2.c39.s1.1

The word nidhi representing mineral treasures was mentioned in ṚV, 2.24.6, 8.29.6, 10.68.6 etc., and repeated later as in AV, 10.7.23. Commenting on the passage 7.1.2 in the Chāndogya Upanisad, wherein several branches of knowledge such as rāśi or mathematics, bhūtavidyā or physics and nidhi or mineralogy were mentioned, the great commentator Śaṅkarācārya referred to ‘nidhim, the subject of mineralogy as found in books, like, Mahakala, etc.’. We do not know the author or the approximate date of compilation of this book.

v2.c39.s1.2

The use of a winnow must have been very ancient, this having been depicted in a Harappan seal. The Atharva Veda was the first literature in which this is mentioned as a *śūrpa*. The hymns 9.6.15-16 (and also 11.2.1 and 11.8.3-4) describe the roles of the mortar and pestle in corn pounding, followed by the use of a *śūrpa* or a winnow in separating the grain from the husk. Now we know that the principle of separation is based on the non-terminal pneumatic settling of particles. This technique as well as the hydraulic (in water) gravity-settling process must have been used to separate the fine/coarse and light/heavy mineral particles. This separation process was recognised as a step of purification: *śūrpam pavitram tuṣā* (AV, 9.6.16) for which air served as the medium of separation: *śūrpagrāhī vātoipāvinak* (AV, 11.8.4).

v2.c39.s1.3

The words related to purification: *pavana, pavamāna, pavitra*, etc. appeared in many places and under different contexts. We have already discussed pneumatic separation as in winnowing; purifying the juice of *soma* through a strainer or filter represented another kind (*RV*, 1.28.9, 3.36.7, AV, 6.124.3, 9.6.16, 12.3.3, etc.), for which the word *pavitra* was used. Purification by roasting or smelting was well recognised, and *agni* or fire was qualified as *pavamāna* or that which purifies (*Ait. Brā*, 2.37, *Tait. Brā*. 1.1.5.10, 2.2.4.2., *Ś. Brā*, 2.2.1.6, 2.2.3.22, etc.).

v2.c39.s1.4

The word for charcoal namely *aṅgāra* appears in the *B.Up.*, 3.9.18 in connection with the instrument tong or *aṅgāra-abakṣayanam* which was used to handle hot pieces of charcoal in a furnace. The word *bhastrā* meant leather-bag in *Ś.Brā* (1.1.2.7, 1.6.3.16), and eventually it also meant the leather bellow used to blow air into a furnace. *Dhmātri* meant bellow, blow pipe, and the smelter — *prathamā vibhakti dhmātā* in *RV*, 5.9.5. *Dhmātri* has also been used in *saptamī vibhakti* meaning ‘in the furnace of smelting’. The act of smelting or melting is mentioned in the Vedic literature (*RV*, 4.2.17, *Ś.Brā*, 6.1.3.5).

Different Kinds of Ayas

v2.c39.s2.1

We have explained in the previous chapter that in the *Rgveda*, *ayas* meant metal in general and not iron specifically. As a matter of fact, iron was discovered in India much later; the *Rgveda* mentioned gold and silver specifically, and *ayas* mentioned therein probably corresponded to copper and bronze.

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*Śukla Yajurveda* (*Ś.YV*) or *Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā* (*Vā. Sam*) was probably the first Indian literature to mention *śyāma* or iron specifically, along with a few other metals: *hiraṇya* (gold), *mehaja* (silver), *loha* (copper), *sīsā* (lead) and *trapu* (tin) (*Ś.YV*, 18.13). In the Atharva Veda (AV), a cosmic supernatural being has been described to have different part of the body resembling different metals including *śyāma*:

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श्याmamय: अस्य मांसानि लोहितमस्य लोहितम् त्रपु भस्म हरितं वर्ण: पुष्करमस्य गन्ध: śyāmamayaḥ asya māṃsāni lohitamasya lohitam trapu bhasma haritaṃ varṇaḥ puṣkaramasya gandhaḥ (AV, 11.8.7-8)

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Do the above references indicate that these portions of the text in Ś.YV and AV were collated after twelfth century BC, the earliest date for archaeological specimen of iron (śyāma) in India? We are sure that loha (copper), sīsā (lead) and trapu (tin) were known and used in India much earlier, even though these names do not appear in the Ṛgveda.

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Śyāma appears in many other literatures such as AV, 9.5.4, Ś. Brā, 13.2.2.16, Kā. Saṃ 18.10, Mait. Saṃ. 2.11.5 etc. At a later stage, iron was also known as kṛṣṇāyas or kārṣṇāyas or black metal (Jai. Brā. Up., 3.17.3). A very clear reference is obtained in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad:

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नखकृन्तनेन सर्वकार्ष्णायसं विज्ञातम् . . . . . . . . कृष्णायसं इति एव सत्यं nakhakṛntanena sarvakārṣṇāyasaṃ vijñātam . . . . . . . . kṛṣṇāyasam iti eva satyam (Chā. Up., 6.1.6)

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By knowing a nailcutter all things made of iron become known . . . . Iron as such is the reality.

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The previous passage in Chā. Up. (6.1.5) mentions that by knowing a copper bead or lohamaṇi all things made of copper or loha (red metal) are known. Another interesting passage in Chā. Up. (4.17.7) provides interesting lessons in metallurgy: ‘One would join gold with the help of borax (lavaṇa), silver with the help of gold, tin (trapu) with the help of silver, lead (sīsā) with the help of tin, copper (loha) with the help of lead and timber with copper or leather’. Here the word loha has been misconstrued as iron by several scholars. Loha, lohāyas or lohitāyas is clearly copper, the red metal (Ś.Brā., 5.4.1.1, and 2, 13.2.2.18; Mait. Saṃ, 2.11.5, 4.4.4; Kā. Saṃ, 18.10).

On Trapu or Tin

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We have already referred to the early citations on trapu Ś.YV, 18.13, AV, 11.8.7-8, Chā. Up, 4.17.7). Several other words for tin, such as kastira, vaṅga and raṅga were evolved during the much later Historical period in India.

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The word trapu is derived from the root trap, which means ‘to be ashamed or shy’, to which the suffix un has been added to convey the sense agnim drṣṭavā trapate lajjate iva (Tārānātha’s Vācaspatyam quoted by V.S. Apte, 1890, 1985: 483; also Monier-Williams, 1899, 1986: 457) or that the low melting point metal easily melts in fire. It may be noted than tin has a very low melting point 232°C and low latent heat of melting 14.5 cal/gm.

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Monier-Williams (1899, 1986: 266) suggested that the word kastira was derived from the root kāns or to shine, and led to the Greek word kassiteros for tin and the modern word cassiterite, for tin ore. Many scholars on the other hand (such as Chakrabarti, 1979: 68-69) believe that kastira was derived from the Greek word kassiteros. We subscribe to the latter view on account of two reasons. Firstly, the word kastira was used in the Indian literature during the period of Indo-Greek contact few centuries before the Christian era, not earlier and rarely later. Secondly, whereas the Indian word for brass has been traditionally pīta tāla or pitala, the other word which was used during the period of Indo-Greek contact, namely ārakūta (Kauṭilya’s Arthaśāstra) seemed to be a loan word from the Greek Oreichalcos.

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Monier-Williams’s suggestion regarding kāns (to shine or to glitter) as the root for kastira cannot be altogether ignored specially in view of the strong possibility that this root might have led to the famous word kaṃsā which stands for the copper-tin alloy bronze, also known as bell-metal or white copper. The word kaṃsā has been generally used to indicate copper alloys, not necessarily containing tin. Just as trapu has sometimes denoted (erroneously) lead, similarly kaṃsā has often stood for brass (copper-zinc alloy) or copper-arsenic alloy. The Sanskrit name for arsenic mineral löllingite is kāṃsya vimala.

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Kaṃsā or bronze has been used widely in the Harappan and Vedic civilization for making various utensils (Ait. Brā, 8.10, Nir. 7.23) such as vessels or bowls (B.Up., 6.3.1). Small pieces of kaṃsā were used as exchange units (śataṃ kaṃsāḥ, AV, 10.10.5).

On Lead

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On account of its low melting point (327°C and low latent heat of fusion (6 cal/gm), lead has sometimes been confused with tin. This is attested by its misleading equations with trapu. As we have quoted earlier (Ś.YV or Vā. Saṃ, 18.13, Chā. Up., 4.17.7) tin (trapu) and lead (sīsā) have been mentioned as different metals. Monier-Williams and other scholars have failed to discover the etymological origin of sīsā or sisaka signifying lead. There are many other references to the use of this metal (Tait. Brā., 2.6.42, 3.12.6.5; Mait.Saṃ., 2.4.2; 3.11.9; Ś. Brā., 5.1.2.14; 5.4.1.9; 12.7.1.7, etc.). In Ś. Brā., 5.4.1.10, the softness of lead metal has been emphasized. Ś. YV or Vā. Saṃ., 19.80 mentioned the use of heavy pieces of lead in the art of weaving: sisena tantram . . . ūrṇāsūtreṇa. Like other metal pieces, lead has also been used as a medium of barter (Ś.Brā., 12.7.2.10-12). In the Atharva Veda, lead powder was reported to have medicinal value in curing tuberculosis of human beings and cows (AV, 12.2.1), when used in small doses. That it acts as a poison when administered in larger doses was also understood (AV, 1.16.2 and 4).

Ornamental and Barter Metals

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Silver and gold were the principal metals in the Vedic era for producing ornaments and the uses as the medium of financial transactions. In the previous chapter we have provided numerous examples of the use of hiranya or gold in the age of the Ṛgveda. This yellow metal was known as harita in the Atharva Veda (AV, 5.28.1, 5 and 9), hariśiprā in ṚV, 10.96.4, probably means yellow (golden) tiara.

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We have mentioned different kinds of golden ornaments used in the Ṛgvedic era. We need not repeat those names; the items continued to be used in the post-Ṛgvedic period. In Ś. Brā., 5.4.1.12-13 rukma or gold plate is mentioned to contain sometimes a hundered holes (śatavitṛnna), sometimes nine holes (navavitṛnna). Sacrificers often gave as a dakṣiṇā, a golden plate with eight indentations (Āpastamba Sūtra, 9,18, 16-19, 14). Other forms of gold offering were: gold chips or shavings, hiranya sakala (Ś.Brā., 6.1.2.30, 7.5.2.8-9), hiranya iṣṭaka or gold-brick (Ś. Brā., 6.1.2.30). The Ś. Brā., 12.8.3.11 mentions gold and silver plates placed beneath the feet of the sacrificer at the consecration during the Sautrāmaṇi sacrifice. The Āsval. ŚS (10.3) and Sāṅkh. ŚS (15.27) state that a hotṛ priest should sit on a golden cushion (hiraṇyakaśipu), cushion in which gold threads are woven, during the Rājasūya sacrifice.

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AV, 19.26.1-3 mentioned the bright metal gold ‘born out of fire’:

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अग्नेः प्रजातं हिरण्यम् अमृतम् . . . सूर्येण
सुवर्णं . . . हिरण्यतेजसा विभाससि
agneḥ prajātam hiraṇyam amṛtam . . . sūryeṇa
suvarṇam . . . hiraṇyatejasā vibhāsasi . . .

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