Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

Chandragupta Maurya and His Times c7: Chapter IV: The King

Chandragupta Maurya and His Times c7

Language
English

Chapter IV: The King

c7.2

**The King: His Education.** A large part of administrative work devolved upon the king. He had to go through a course of education to fit him for the work. We have already seen how Chandragupta was specially fortunate in having as his preceptor a scholar of encyclopaedic learning like Chāṇakya who gave him the best possible education then available in the country for a period of as many as 8 years at Taxila. Kauṭilya [I. 5] indicates the contents of the education prescribed for Princes. The first requisite of education is stated to be Discipline (*Vinaya*) comprising the following qualities: (1) Desire for learning (*Śuśrūshā*) (2) Cultivation of the truth learnt ((*Śravaṇam*) (3) Grasping what is learnt (*Grahaṇam*) (4) Retaining what is grasped (*Dhāraṇam*) (5) Knowledge of ways and means of achieving the truth learnt (*Vijñānam*) (6) Inference (*Ūha*) (7) Deliberation.

c7.3

“It is the disciplined mind only that can be educated” (*Kriyā hi dravyaṁ vinayati nādravyam*).

c7.4

Education is also to comprise both study and practice. It is not merely theoretical.

c7.5

The prince is to start with a knowledge of Mathematics (*Saṁkhyā*) and Literature (*Lipi*) and then to study (a) the three Vedas; (b) Philosophy under teachers; (c) the different departments of economic life (*Vārttā*) under experienced administrators (*adhyakshas*); and (d) the Science of Polity under teachers well-versed in its principles and practices (*Vaktṛiprayoktṛibhyaḥ*). The prince is to observe continence, practise *Brahmacharya* up to the age of 16 when he is to marry.

c7.6

He must achieve complete control of his passions and recall the ruin brought on themselves by the greatest kings by their indulgence in passions [*Ib.* I. 6] and the prosperity of those known for their self-control, [*Ib.*].

c7.7

Even after marriage and education, he must always seek the association of the elders in knowledge (*Vidyā-vriddha-saṁyoga*) as a means of increasing his knowledge.

c7.8

In the forenoons, he is now to undergo military training in fighting with the forces of elephants, horses, chariots, and arms.

c7.9

The afternoons he is to devote to the study of History including (1) *Purāṇa* (2) *Itivṛitta* (past history) such as *Rāmāyaṇa* and *Mahābhārata* (3) *Ākhyāyikā* (tales of Gods and great men) (4) *Udāharaṇa* (anecdotes and biographies, or, according to one commentator, *Nyāya*, *Mīmāṁsā*, and *Upan-yāsa-śāstra* or works of fiction) (5) *Dharma-Śāstra*, Law-books like Manu and (6) *Artha-śāstra*.

c7.10

He is to devote his leisure hours to the acquisition of new knowledge and assimilation of what is learnt.

c7.11

Thus educated and disciplined, the king becomes invincible.

c7.12

He must never be off his guard, but should always be up and doing (*Utthānaṁ kurvīta*) [*Ib.* 19].

c7.13

**Time-Table of Duties.** The time-table of the king's daily duties has been drawn up in accordance with the administrative work he has to take upon himself.

c7.14

The day and night are each divided into eight parts by sun-dial or water clock. Thus each such part (*nālikā*) was of one hour and a half. The king’s time is so full up and charged with duties that it is the subject of humorous comment in literature. Daṇḍin, in his *Daśakumāracharita* [II. 8], sneers at Kauṭilya’s schedule of royal duties which would make royalty itself an unbearable burden.

c7.15

Taking the day and night of equal duration, and counting in terms of hours the sixteen portions into which day and night are divided, the king’s time-table may be thus worked out :

c7.16

1-30—3 A.M.—Rise from sleep by the sound of music or trumpets (*Tūrya-ghosha*); pondering over injunctions of religion (*Śāstram*) and duties for the morrow.

c7.17

3—4-30 A.M.—Determination of policy and plans and despatch of his secret emissaries in accordance therewith.

c7.18

4-30—6 A.M.—Company of the sacrificial priest, the preceptor, and the domestic chaplain and receiving their benedictions (*svastyayana*); interviewing the physician, kitchen officials and astrologers.

c7.19

6—7-30 A.M.—Attendance at the Hall of Audience (*Upasthāna*) and receiving there the reports of his military and financial advisers.

c7.20

7-30—9 A.M.—Continued attendance at the Hall of Audience (*Upasthāna*) where he is to attend to the affairs of the people, urban and rural, giving free access to them.

c7.21

9—10-30 A.M.—Bath, Meals, and study of religious texts.

c7.22

10-30 A.M.—12 Noon.—Receiving the surplus of gold cash left over from the previous day (*hiraṇya-pratigrahaṁ gatadivasotthitadhanasvīkāram*); attending to the Heads of Departments and assigning duties to them (*Adhyakshān kurvīta kāryaviśesheshu niyuñjīta*).

c7.23

12—1-30 P.M.—Correspondence by letter with the Council of Ministers; settlement of plans of espionage with the Informers.

c7.24

1-30—3 P.M.—Recreation and Rest and pondering over his Policy.

c7.25

3—4-30 P.M.—Review of his Army, Cavalry, Elephants and Arsenal.

c7.26

4-30—6 P.M.—Consultation with the Commander-in-chief as to his military strength; Evening Prayers.

c7.27

6—7-30 P.M.—Interviews with secret emissaries.

c7.28

7-30—9 P.M.—Second bath and meal followed by religious meditation.

c7.29

9—10-30 P.M.—Retirement for rest to the sound of music.

c7.30

10-30 P.M.—1-30 A.M.—Sleep.

c7.31

This completes the round of duties prescribed for the king.

c7.32

It was a sort of a standard set for him. He was empowered to alter the time-table, "its divisions of night and day, and discharge his duties in accordance with his capacity."

c7.33

'*Upasthāna*' *and Agnyāgāra.* It will be seen from the above time-table that the king's hours of retirement and rest from public work were from 9 P.M. to 4-30 A.M., after which followed his round of daily administrative duties of different kinds. The most important of these was his daily Darbar in the Hall of Audience where he usually spends three hours in the morning from 6 A.M., personally disposing of the suits of petitioners who are given free access to him. It is pointed out that the king who makes himself inaccessible to his people (*durdarśa*) and entrusts his work to his officers in attendance will cause confusion in business and even public disaffection. It may be noted that the term *Upasthāna* signifies the *sthāna* or place where people wait to have a sight of the king (*Upatiṣṭhante sandarśanārthino rājānāmatra iti Upasthānagṛiham* [Commentator on X. I].

c7.34

Among the items of business that the king should personally attend to is mentioned the business concerning the gods, hermits, heretics, learned brahmins (*Śrotriya*), cattle, sacred places, minors, persons disabled by age, disease or misfortune, orphans and women. These he should attend to in the order of this enumeration, or in accordance with its urgency or gravity. In fact, the king is asked to respond to all urgent calls of business which he must dispose of at once without putting it off.

c7.35

It is further laid down that while he is seated in the hall of worship (*Agnyāgāra*), he should attend to the business of physicians and ascetics in the company of his chief priest and preceptor.

c7.36

For purposes of the king's safety at these public interviews, Kauṭilya makes the provision [I. 21] that the king must not give interviews to strangers, saints, and ascetics unless he is duly protected by his trustworthy bodyguard (*āptaśastragrāhādhishṭhita*). He is also to interview the ambassadors from foreign kings with his whole Council of Ministers in attendance (*Mantriparishadā Sāmantadūtam*).

c7.37

**Maxims for Royalty.** Lastly, the *Arthaśāstra* contains the following eloquent exhortation to the king: "for a king, his *vrata* (religious vow) is constant activity in the cause of his people (*Utthānam*); his best religious ceremony is the work of administration (*Kāryānuśāsanam*); his highest charity (*Dakshiṇā*) is equality of treatment meted out to all."

c7.38

"In the happiness of his subjects lies the happiness of the king; in their good is his own good, and not in what is pleasing to him. He must find his pleasure in the pleasure of his subjects."

c7.39

Thus exertion is emphasised as "the root of success in administration (*Arthasya mūlaṁ utthānam*)" [I. 19]. In another place [VI. 1], Kauṭilya points out the king's virtues to be "abundance of enthusiasm and freedom from procrastination (*mahotsāho adīrghasūtraḥ*). And again [XII. 11]: "the king who is a fatalist (*daivapramāṇaḥ*), devoid of energy (*mānushahīnaḥ*), or of initiative (*nirārambhaḥ*), will come to grief."

c7.40

These admonitions of Kauṭilya are echoed by Asoka in his Rock Edict VI: "For there is no satisfaction of mine in exertion (*Usṭānam*) or despatch of business (*Arthasaṁtīrana*). My highest duty is, indeed, the promotion of the good of all (*Sarva-loka-hitam*). Of that, again, the root is this: exertion (*Utthānaṁ*) and despatch of business. There is no higher work than the promotion of the common weal."

c7.41

Asoka's Time-Table. It is interesting to note that Asoka's own Time-table follows that of Kauṭilya. In his Rock Edict VI Asoka states that he holds himself ready for public work, whether despatch of business (*artha-karma*) or receipt of reports (*prativedanam*), at all hours and places, "when he is dining, or in his harem (*orodhanamhi*), or in the inner apartments (*gabhāgāramhi*) or in the ranches (*vachamhi*), or in the place of religious instruction (*vinītamhi*), or in the parks (*uyānesu*)."

c7.42

Testimony of Megasthenes. That all this programme of the king's daily duties was not meant as a mere counsel of perfection is indicated by what Magasthenes reports on the subject. Megasthenes saw with his own eyes how busy the king, Chandragupta, was, and how he was found always engaged in public work. He states: "The king may not sleep during the day time. He leaves his palace not only in time of war but also for the purpose of judging causes. He then remains in court for the whole day without allowing the business to be interrupted, even though the hour arrives when he must needs attend to his person" [McCrindle, *Ancient India*, p. 58]. Curtius [VIII. 9] also adds: "The palace is open to all comers, even when the king is having his hair combed and dressed. It is then that he gives audience to ambassadors, and administers justice to his subjects." [*Ib.*].

c7.43

We see here how closely Kauṭilya is confirmed by the evidence of the Greek eye-witness. Both point out how the king was always accessible to the public and how the greater part of his work concerned disposal of suits. What Megasthenes calls "court" Kauṭilya calls *Upasthāna* and *Agnyāgāra*. Where Megasthenes mentions the administration of justice by the king or "his judging causes", Kauṭilya describes the king's administrative work in more general terms including disposal of petitions from the public. It is also apparent from Kauṭilya's time-table that the "judging of causes" might easily encroach upon the time fixed for the king's bath and meals, as the Greek writers state. For it will be seen that the king disposes of public business at the *Upasthāna* from 6 to 9 A.M., after which comes the time fixed for his bath. It is also to be noted that the king in Kauṭilya's scheme has another spell of administrative work for three hours after meals from 12 noon and after an interval of rest he has further hard work to go through with the Military and Intelligence Departments from 3 to 7-30 P.M. Thus Greek evidence fully corroborates that of Kauṭilya on the king's strenuous daily work.

c7.44

A high purpose informed this exacting programme of work and gave it shape. It has been thus summed up by Kauṭilya [I. 7]. "The king is to grow in wisdom and statesmanship (*prajñā*) by contact with the elders in wisdom; to develop insight (*chakshu*) into the affairs of the people through the instrumentality of his Intelligence Officers (*chāreṇa*); to achieve the welfare and happiness of his people by his constant labours (*utthānena*); uphold the social order (*svadharmasthāpanam*) by the exercise of his administrative authority (*kāryānuśāsanena*); to attain discipline by following the injunctions of his teachers; to achieve popularity through proper administrative measures securing the employment of the people (*arthasaṁyogena*); and to regulate his life (*vṛttiṁ*) by the standard of promoting public good (*hitena*).”

c7.45

All this burden placed upon royalty was a consequence of the very conception of royalty in Hindu Polity. It is thus stated by Kauṭilya [I. 13]: “The people overwhelmed by the evils of anarchy, wherein the strong prey upon the weak as among fishes, chose the king and assigned to him a sixth of agricultural produce and a tenth of sales of merchandise as revenue, in return for which the king was to protect the people, promote their welfare, by levy of punishment and taxes, and was answerable for their sins, if he did not punish them. Even hermits pay a sixth of the grain they glean to the king as their protector (*yosmān gopāyatīti*). The king is thus the fountain of favours and justice like Indra and Yama, and is entitled to the loyalty of his subjects.” This points out the origin of kingship in contract and election and the binding of the king to his people in ties of service. Thus Hindu political theory insists on the democratic foundations of kingship and imposes heavy obligations upon the king as ‘the father’ of the people. Kauṭilya is fond of the expression: “the king must treat his subjects as his sons” (*tān piteva anugṛhṇīyāt*) [II, 1; IV. 3.].

c7.46

The *Mahābhārata* [Śānti P. 56, 45] describes the king as mother who sacrifices all that she holds dear for the good of her child (*yathā hi garbhiṇī hitvā svaṁ priyaṁ garbhasya hitamādhatte*). Asoka also repeats the same doctrine for himself: “All people are my children for whom, like their father, he wishes all happiness both in this world and in the next' (*sava-munisā me pajā* in Jaugada R. E. II, also Dhauli R. E. I.).

c7.47

Lastly, it may be noted that the same spirit of idealism informed the king's foreign policy. If he is bent on conquest, it should not be for mere power, pelf, and greed, lust for dominion. Kauṭilya [XII. 1] mentions three classes of conquerors in the order of merit: (1) *Dharma-vijayī* (2) *Lobha-vijayī* and (3) *Asura-vijayī*. Thus Asoka follows this idealism by declaring that 'the best of all conquests is *Dharma-vijaya*' [R. E. XIII].

c7.48

**Other Features of Royalty: Bodyguard of armed women.** We shall now turn to the other habits and paraphernalia of the king, as these were witnessed by the Greek ambassador, Megasthenes.

c7.49

**Greek Evidence.** Strabo states: "The care of the king's person is entrusted to women... When he goes to hunt, it is in a kind of Bacchic procession, surrounded by women who form a circle... Some of the women are in chariots, some on horse back, some on elephants, fully armed as in war [XV. I, 55].

c7.50

**Evidence of Kautilya.** The Greek evidence is confimed by Kauṭilya [I. 21]. He states that the king on rising from bed shall be received first by troops of women armed with bows (*strīgaṇairdhanvibhiḥ*), who must have formed his immediate bodyguard, and that female-slaves should bathe and massage the king, make his bed, wash his clothes, and adorn him with garlands [*Snāpakasaṁvāhakāstarakarajaka-mālākārakarma dāsyaḥ kuryuḥ*]. The king, according to Kauṭilya, had a regular staff of public women (*gaṇikā*) in his household in three grades of service for his personal attendance. Of these, the lowest grade of *gaṇikās* was employed to hold the royal umbrella over him and the golden pitcher (*chhatra-bhriṅgāra*); the next grade carried the fan and attended on him seated in the royal pavilion (*vyajana-śibikā*); and the superior grade served him seated on the throne or in the chariot (*pīṭhikā-ratheshu*). The aging ones would be transferred to work in the royal store-house (*koshṭhāgāra*) or in the royal kitchen (*mahānase*) [II. 27]. A *gaṇikā* could also obtain her liberty to lead a different life by payment of a ransom (*nishkraya*) of 24,000 *panas* [*Ib*]. Girls above eight were employed to act and sing before the king (*ashṭavarshāt prabhṛiti rājñaḥ kuśīlava-karma kuryāt*.) [*Ib*]. We may note in this connection the statement of Megasthenes [Frag. XXVII] that "the women who take care of the King's person are brought from their parents."

c7.51

It is interesting to note that there is a representation of a procession in a Bharhut Sculpture (*c.* 2nd century B.C.) of the figure of a woman riding a horse fully caparisoned and carrying a standard, the *garuḍadhvaja* [*A Guide to Sculptures in the Indian Museum*, I. 24]

c7.52

**Hunting.** According to the Greek writers, the king leaves the palace and goes about among the public on three occasions. "One is for the purpose of hearing cases which occupy him throughout the day," as we have already seen. The second occasion is when he goes to hunt, surrounded by his womenhunters, as already stated. "A rope is stretched to mark the road, and it is death for any one to go past it among the women. Drummers and bell-ringers lead the way. In his hunting enclosures, the king shoots with a bow from an elevated place, two or three armed women standing beside him. When hunting in a place not enclosed, he shoots from an elephant."

c7.53

It may be noted that Kauṭilya (II. 2) provides for a reserved forest for purposes of the king's *vihāra* or sport. Asoka in his Rock Edict VIII speaks of the king's *vihārayātrās*. According to Kauṭilya, this reserved forest was to be protected by a ditch (*khātaguptam*), to have only one entrance, and to be stocked with tigers, beasts of prey, and bisons (*kalabha*) with their claws and teeth cut off, so that the king could have his sport without any risk to his life. Kauṭilya further provides that the king should go out a-hunting into such forests as are previously cleared of all sources of danger, robbers, tigers and the like, by his foresters (*lubdhaka*), with the hounds of the king's kennels. Under these conditions, the king was to learn the difficult art of shooting at a moving mark, such as running deer (*chalalaksha*) [I. 21]. The *Mudrārākshasa* tells of a park (*udyāna*) where the Nanda king used to shoot at moving objects.

c7.54

It may be noted that Hunting was a standing pastime of kings. Kauṭilya (VIII. 3) fully discusses the virtues of hunting for the king. While Piśuna condemns it as a *vyasana*, or indulgence, chiefly for its physical dangers from robbers, enemies, wild animals, forest fires, accidents, hunger, thirst, and even mistake about direction and destination, Kauṭilya approves of it as a *Vyāyāma* or healthy physical exercise, destroying the excess of phlegm, bile, fat and perspiration, and improving one's marksmanship and knowledge of the tempers of wild beasts.

c7.55

Megasthenes (Fragm. XII), along with Aelian and Strabo, speaks of hunting lions with dogs. Kauṭilya also refers to hunters going about the forests with their packs of hounds (*Śvagaṇinaḥ*) and also to the hunting of tigers with dogs (IV. 3). In I. 14, Kauṭilya refers to keepers of dogs fed by the milk of their cows (*Śvagaṇināṁ dhenuḥ*).

c7.56

It was, however, left to Chandragupta's grandson, Asoka, to abolish *Mṛigayā* or hunting and other such sports of pleasure (*Abhiramani*) by royal decree [R. E. VIII.] It may be noted that, according to *Mahāvaṁsa* [V. 154], Asoka's own brother, Tissa, had indulged in hunting as his *Uparāja*, so that hunting was permitted by him as a royal pastime down to at-least 266 B.C., when Tissa left the world and became a monk.

c7.57

**Races.** Next to hunting were the races in which the kings indulged in those days. In Chandragupta's time, there was a special trotter breed of oxen "which equalled horses in speed." A carriage was harnessed to a mixed team of two such oxen with a horse between. The course was about a mile and three quarters in length, and the king and his nobles betted keenly in gold and silver on the result. Kauṭilya also knows of oxen which equalled horses in speed (*Balīvardānāṁ nasyāśvabhadragativāhināṁ*) [II. 29].

c7.58

**Animal Fights.** Among other pastimes of the king, Aelian mentions the prevalence of even gladiatorial contests. But more usual were the contests arranged between "brute animals that are horned and butt each other, such as wild bulls, tame rams and rhinos. There were also arranged fights between elephant tuskers." The *Dīgha-Nikāya* calls such sport as *Samāja* which it condemns and describes as fights arranged between animals such as "elephants, horses, buffaloes, bulls, goats and rams," and even between "birds like cocks and quails."

c7.59

**Royal Processions.** The third occasion on which the king came before the public was the occasion of a religious festival or the performance of a religious sacrifice. As Strabo states [XV. 1. 69]: "In the processions at their festivals, many elephants adorned with gold and silver are in the train, as well as four-horsed chariots and yokes of oxen. Then comes a great host of attendants in their holiday attire, with vessels of gold, such as large basins and goblets six feet in breadth, tables, chairs of state, drinking-cups and lavers all made of Indian copper, and set many of them with precious stones—emeralds, beryls, and Indian garnets—garments embroidered and interwoven with gold, wild beasts—such as buffaloes, leopards, tame lions—and multitude of birds of variegated plumage and fine song." Kleitarchos mentions "four-wheeled carriages carrying trees of the large-leaved sort, from which were suspended in cages different kinds of tame birds, among which he speaks of the *orion* as that which had the sweetest note, and of another called the *katreus*, which was the most beautiful in appearance and had the most variegated plumage."

c7.60

**Courtly Pomp.** Curtius also gives the following account of the magnificence of the Indian court under Chandragupta Maurya: "When the king condescends to show himself in public, his attendants carry in their hands silver censors and perfume with incense all the road by which it is his pleasure to be conveyed. He lolls in a golden palanquin, garnished with pearls which dangle all around it, and he is robed in fine muslin embroidered with purple and gold. Behind his palanquin follow men-at-arms and his body guards, of whom some carry boughs of trees on which birds are perched, trained to interrupt business with their cries."

c7.61

**Washing of Hair.** According to Strabo, a great occasion at the court was the ceremonial washing of his hair by the king on his birthday, when people sent him "great presents, each person seeking to outrival his neighbour in displaying his wealth [XV. I, 69]." A form of presents favoured by the king was the "present of animals, even wild ones, like deer, antelopes, or rhinos, also birds like cranes, geese, ducks and pigeons. The Indians bring to their king tigers made tame, domesticated panthers, oxen fleet of foot, or the yaks, pigeons of yellow plumage, hunting hounds and apes" [Aelian, p. 144, McCrindle's *Ancient India*].

c7.62

**Elephant Guard.** We are also told that the king had a guard of twenty four elephants, and when he went out to administer justice, the first elephant was trained to do him obeisance. As the king passed, the elephant gave him a sort of a military salute on a hint from the driver and a stroke of his goad [Megasthenes, *Frag.* 25].

c7.63

**Journeys.** As regards the king's journeys, "he rides on horseback when making short journeys, but when bound on a distant expedition, he rides in a chariot mounted on elephants, and, huge as these animals are, their bodies are covered completely over with trappings of gold" [*Ib.*].

c7.64

We are also told that while on such tours the king has his food prepared by women [Strabo, VIII. 9].

c7.65

According to Kauṭilya [I. 21], the king mounted a horse, a chariot, or an elephant in full military attire when he goes out to inspect his army to be paraded before him in its full military equipment.

c7.66

In his progresses, whether excursions or incursions (*niryāṇo abhiyāne cha*), the road will be lined on both sides (*ubhayataḥ*) by police bearing *lāṭhīs* (*Daṇḍibhiḥ*) who will clear it of all armed persons (*apāstaśastrahasta*), ascetics, and cripples. The king must not enter a crowd (*Na purushasambādhamavagāheta*) [*Ib.*].

c7.67

Kauṭilya speaks of the king's journeys to witness festive processions (*yātrā*), popular gatherings (*samāja*), seasonal celebrations (*utsava* 'such as Vasantotsava') and picnic parties at parks (*pravahaṇaṁ udyāna-bhojanādi*), provided they are policed by companies of soldiers (*daśavargika*) [*Ib.*].

c7.68

**Measures of Safety.** Kauṭilya is prone to provide for the king's personal safety on occasions of his journeys in all possible manner. The king must not mount a chariot or a horse or an elephant (*yānavāhanam*) unless it is certified to be reliable by his trusted officers concerned. He shall also board a ship (*nāvam*) only when it is piloted by a trustworthy sailor and is also attached to a second boat.

c7.69

He must not, however, sail in any ship which is not found to be seaworthy from the damage done to it by winds (*vātavegavaśām*) [*Ib.*].

c7.70

**Palace.** We shall now describe the splendours of the royal palace at the imperial capital at Pāṭaliputra. According to Aelian, "neither Memnonian Susa with all its costly splendour, nor Ekbatana with all its magnificence" can vie with it.

c7.71

"The palace is adorned with gilded pillars clasped all round with a vine embossed in gold, while silver images of those birds which most charm the eye diversify the workmanship."

c7.72

The palace stood in an extensive park. It was full of "tame peacocks and pheasants, shady groves and trees set in clumps with branches woven together by some special cunning of horticulture, trees that are always green, that never grow old and never shed their leaves. Some of them are native, and some are brought from other lands with great care, and these adorn the place and give it glory. Birds are there, free and unconfined. They come of their own accord and have their nests and roosting places in the branches, birds of various kinds. But parrots are specially kept there, and these flock in bevies about the king. In this royal pleasance, there are lovely tanks made by hand of men, in which they kept fish of enormous size, but quite tame. No one has permission to fish for these except the king's sons while yet in their boyhood. These youngsters amuse themselves without the least risk of being drowned, while fishing in the unruffled sheet of water and learning how to sail their boats."

c7.73

**Its Apartments.** While the exterior and the grounds of the palace are thus described by the Greek writers, more light is thrown on its interior and its design by Kauṭilya [I. 20-21]. The palace was to be protected by an outer wall and a moat (*saprākāra-parikhā*). In its rear were the women’s apartments with stores of medicine useful in midwifery. Outside these apartments were residences of the princes and princesses. In front of these came the toilet chamber (*Alaṁkārabhūmi*), the Council-house (*Mantrabhūmi*), the Hall of Audience (*Upasthāna*), and lastly, the administrative offices of the heir-apparent (*Kumāra*) and of the Heads of Departments (*Adhyakshasthānaṁ*). In the intervening places between these apartments, the troops in charge of the harem (*antarvaṁśika-sainyaṁ*) shall be stationed. A special household guard (*Abhyāgārika*) comprising 80 men and 50 women (or old men of 80 and women of 50) was to look after the morals of the harem [*Ib.*].

c7.74

The king had his own suite of rooms. On rising from bed the king was to be received by his Amazonian bodyguard, women archers (*strīganairdhanvibhiḥ*). In the second apartment, he will be received by his personal servants to give him coat and head-dress, and other aged attendants and attendant eunuchs. In the third apartment was stationed a sham bodyguard of dwarfs, hunchbacks and *kirātas*, or mountaineers, of foreign origin, *Mlechchhas*. The outermost of the king’s apartments which communicated with the exterior was to be in charge of an armed retinue (*prāsapānibhiḥ*), door-keepers (*dauvārikaiḥ*), as well as the king’s ministers and kinsmen.

c7.75

Thus the king’s menial staff comprised (1) *Kañchuka* (2) *Ushnīshi* (3) *Kalpaka* (4) *Prasādhaka* (5) *Snāpaka* (6) *Saṁvāhaka* (7) *Āstaraka* (8) *Rajaka* (9) *Mālākāra* and (10) *Māhānasika*. As to (6), *Saṁvāhaka*, Strabo says that the king's “favourite mode of exercising the body is by friction in various ways, but especially by passing smooth ebony rollers over the surface of the body” [XV. i. 41].

c7.76

To these menials are also added [I. 12] *Sūda* and *Ārālika*, cooks for preparing varieties of food and beverage, *Udaka-parichāraka* for supplying water, while the king also had personal attendants of various types such as (1) *Kubja* (hunchback) (2) *Vāmana* (dwarf) (3) *Kirāta* (of small body, *alpatanu*) (4) *Mūka* (dumb) (5) *Badhira* (deaf) (6) *Jaḍa* (idiot) (7) *Andha* (blind). Even deformities were utilized in the service of the king!

c7.77

There were also several other servants in charge of the king's bodily requisites such as Umbrella (*chhatra*), Goblet (*bhriṅgāra*), Fan (*vyajana*), Shoes (*pādukā*), Seat (*āsana*), Carriage (*yāna*) and Horse (*vāhana*). Some of these were women, as already shown.

c7.78

Lastly, the king had a special staff to cater for his amusements, as indicated in the series *Naṭa-Nartaka-Gāyana-Vādaka-Vāgjīvana-Kuśīlava* [I. 12].

c7.79

According to Kauṭilya [*Ib.*], the personal attendants of the king [*Āsanna* staff] should be natives and not foreigners and should be recruited from approved families who are related to the king by hereditary service and known for their loyalty and accomplishments. They should also be proof against fear and incapable of being coerced into disloyalty [I. 10].

c7.80

**Elaborate Provision for the King’s Safety.** The design of the palace is determined by suspicion and precaution for the king’s safety. Its structure includes any number of mazes, secret and subterranean passages, hollow pillars, hidden staircases, collapsible floors. There is also diverse provision against fire, poisonous animals, and poisons. There are introduced trees which are avoided by snakes. There are parrots because they cry at the sight of a serpent and give the alarm signal. There were other birds also which were differently affected by the sight of poison [I. 20].

c7.81

**Precaution Against Poisoning.** The kitchen is carefully guarded and is constructed in a secret place. The food for the king is tested by a multitude of tasters. Examination is made of any traces of poison found in the viands and in the demeanour of the tasters. Medicaments for the king must pass similar tests. Servants in charge of the king’s dresses and toilets must appear bathed, and in washed clothing, to receive the toilet requisites, duly sealed, from the bodyguard in charge of same before applying them on the king. Articles of ornament and apparel are inspected by the king’s maid servants. Cosmetics etc. are first tried on those who apply them. Those who perform physical feats before the king must use appliances which cannot do any harm from fire, poison or any weapon. Musicians will perform before the king on instruments kept in the palace and thus free from any taint of poison. Similarly, even the equipment for horses, chariots and elephants to be used by the king is to be supplied from the palace. The king should have always in attendance physicians and experts in the science of poisons (*Jāṅgalīvids*) [I. 21].

c7.82

**Treatment of Princes.** In connection with the king's personal safety about which the *Arthaśāstra* is so particular, it deals with the problem of the grown-up sons of the king, a "problem of polygamous sovereignty," as F. W. Thomas pithily puts it. It is plainly recognised that 'princes like crabs devour their parents' (*karkaṭasadharmāṇo hi janakabhakshāḥ rājaputrāḥ*) [I. 16]. The question is, Should they live with the king or at a distance? If the latter, should they be in a detention camp (*ekasthānāvarodhaḥ*), or in a frontier fort (*antapāladurge*), or in the fort of a foreign king (*sāmantadurge*). But the last measure will make the foreign king milk him through the calf of his son so as to exploit the situation against him (*vatseneva hi dhenuṁ pitaramasya sāmanto duhyāt*). The last alternative is to place these princes in rustic seclusion with their maternal relations. In any case, they are to be kept under surveillance with spies set on them to betray them, if necessary. Where a king has many sons, he may send some of them away to frontier or foreign States (*pratyantaṁ anyavishayaṁ vā preshayet*), where there is not, nor is to be, an heir-apparent (so that they may have a chance of being adopted and chosen for the throne). The worthy son is to be made Commander-in-chief or the Crown-prince.

c7.83

**Succession.** The eldest son is to be preferred for the throne as a general rule (*aiśvaryaṁ jyesṭhabhāgī*). But Kauṭilya is emphatic that even the only son of the king should not be placed on the throne if he is devoid of education, discipline, and character (*na chaikaputramavinītaṁ rājye sthāpayet*). It is also stated that the king is justified in deporting the wicked son among his many sons. It is also pointed out that normally the father is the well-wisher of his sons. To solve the problem of succession among many sons, Kauṭilya contemplates the device of a joint-family-sovereignty, on the ground that such a collective sovereignty will be of invincible strength, while free from the evils caused by the defects of a single sovereign. Such a sovereignty will be permanent (*Kulasya vā bhavet rājyaṁ kulasaṁgho hi durjayaḥ | Arājavyasanābādhaḥ sāśvadāvasati kshitīm ||*)

c7.84

Some scholars take the sovereignty of the Nandas as a joint sovereignty held by their family. According to *Chāṇakya-kathā* (ed. N. Law, v. 7), Mahapadma was succeeded by his sons who ruled conjointly, and one of them was selected by lot annually to act as king, while the sovereign authority was vested in all.

c7.85

It may be noted that Kauṭilya who, according to tradition, forced upon the throne of Magadha a king of his choice, believed more in merit than in hereditary right as the title to kingship. He has, however, no faith in mere usurpers as such [VII. 2]. Some believe in a new king as being more acceptable for his readiness to please the people by means of 'favours, concessions and gifts and honours' (*Navastu-Rājā sva-dharmānugraha-parihāra-dāna-mānakarma-bhiḥ prakṛitirañjana-upakāraiścharati iti*), but Kauṭilya thinks it is not so, because ultimately a new king's rule will be a rule of might, since he will feel that he has conquered the country by his own might (*Balāvarjitaṁ mamedam rājyaṁ iti*). Even where a king dies without leaving a competent heir to succeed him, Kauṭilya would prefer him to be placed on the throne and announced as king before the public, with the co-operation of the other princes and chiefs (*Mukhya Rāshtramukhya*). ‘Or the minister having gradually placed the burden of administration on the shoulders of the heir-apparent may announce finally to the public the death of the king.’ Ordinarily, “that son of the king who is possessed of self-control should succeed him on the throne. Failing such a qualified prince, the Chief Minister will place on the throne even the unworthy prince (*Kumāra*), or princess, or even the pregnant queen (*Devī*), and, calling a meeting of the ministers and magnates (*Mahāmātrān sannipātya*), should say: ‘the kingdom is your trust (*nikshepa*): think of their father and of your own power and pedigree: this successor of the king is a mere symbol of sovereignty (*Dhvajāmātroyam*): you are the real sovereign.’ Thus saying, he will anoint to sovereignty the prince or the princess or the pregnant queen (*Tatheti Amātyaḥ Kumāraṁ Rāja-kanyāṁ garbhiṇīm Devīm vā adhikurvīta . . . abhishiñchet*). He will then undertake the education of the prince as king (*Vinayakarmaṇi cha Kumārasya prayateta*). If it is the princess on the throne, then her son, born of the father of the same caste (*samānajāti*), will ultimately succeed her. The minister must make ample provision for the paraphernalia due to royalty in respect of conveyances, chariots, horses, elephants, (*yāna-vāhana*), jewellery (*ābharaṇa*), robes, harem, residence and its fittings (*vastra-strīveśma-parivāpān*)” [V. 6]. Thus Kauṭilya contemplates a Regency administration to meet such an emergency, and prevent a possible revolution following the advent of a new king supplanting the dynasty of hereditary kings.

c7.86

Capital at Pataliputra. According to Megasthenes who lived at the city, Pāṭaliputra was built at the confluence of the two rivers, Ganges and Son, at *nadī-saṁgama*, as it is called by Kauṭilya [II. 3]. In shape it was an oblong, with a length of 80 stades (=9⅕ miles) and a breadth of 15 stades (=1 mile 1270 yards). The city was protected by a moat which had a depth of 30 cubits (=about 60 feet) and a width of 6 plethra (=200 yards). The moat was thus navigable. It was filled from the waters of the Son. It received the sewage of the city. The city was further protected by a massive timber palisade surrounding it along the moat. The palisade was pierced by loopholes through which archers were to shoot. It had also 64 gates and 570 towers. [Megasthenes, Frag. 25=Strabo, XV. c. 702].

c7.87

Rhys Davids [*Buddhist India*, p. 262] calculates that "the number of towers allows one to every 75 yards, so that archers, in the towers, could cover the space intervening between any two. The number of gates would allow one to each 660 yards, which is quite a probable and convenient distance. The extent of the fortifications is, indeed, prodigious ... But the native records confirm the impression that then, as now, an Indian town tended to cover a vast extent. And we may accept the estimate made by Megasthenes of the size of the city wherein he dwelt."

c7.88

According to Megasthenes, wood was the material mainly used in the construction of Pāṭaliputra, because it was a city built on the banks of rivers and had to be protected against floods by wood [I. 6]. It may be noted that excavations at the site of Pāṭaliputra have brought to light portions of wooden palisade at depth of ten to fifteen feet below the surface. These must have formed portions of the ancient wooden wall of the Maurya city.

c7.89

The construction of the city corresponds closely to what Kauṭilya prescribes on the subject. Kauṭilya builds up the capital as a fort (*durga*) to protect the country (*janapadārakshasthānam*). In that view, it should be on a river or a hill. Or it may be built at the centre of the kingdom (*Janapadamadhye*) in a suitable locality approved by engineers (*Vāstuka-praśaste Vāstuvidyābhijñanirdishṭe deśe*), at the confluence of rivers (*nadīsaṅgame*), or on a lake (*hrada*), or tank (*taṭāka*) for unfailing supply of water. It should be surrounded by a canal (*pradakshiṇodakam*) and accessible by both land and water routes. It should be further protected by a ring of three moats (*parikhā*) with an interval of one *daṇḍa* (=6 ft.) between each. The three moats are to be of the width of 14, 12 and 10 *daṇḍas* (=84', 72' and 60') each, and with sides made of stone or brick. The depth is to be one-fourth or half of width (so as to lend itself to boating). The moats should be running streams connected with natural sources of water, with rivers, into which they can flow, and bearing lotuses and crocodiles (*toyāntikīḥ āgantutoyapūrṇā vā saparivāhāḥ padmagrāhavatīḥ*).

c7.90

At a distance of 4 *daṇḍas* from the innermost ditch was to be constructed a rampart (*vapra*) of pressed mud, 6 *daṇḍas* in height and 12 in width, solidified by the tramp of elephants and cattle, and further consolidated by the planting on it of thorny bushes and poisonous creepers. The rampart was to be surrounded by parapets (*prākāra*) of bricks and square towers (*aṭṭālaka*). Between each tower was to be a cloister (*pratolī*). Between the tower and the cloister was to be a stand (*indrakośa*) to accommodate three archers (*tridhānushkādhishṭhānam*). There were secret passages between the parapets and ramparts (*devapatha* and *chāryā* and *chhannapatha*). These were also provided with openings (*dvāra*) and gates (*gopuram*). On the rampart were to be constructed at intervals hollows (*kulyā*) for the storage of weapons of all kinds, such as spades (*kuddāla*) of stone, axes (*kuṭhārī*), arrows (*kāṇḍa*), goads for elephants (*kalpanā*), clubs (*musṛṇṭhi*), bayonets (*mudgara*), missiles (*daṇḍa*), discus (*chakra*), machines (*yantra*), weapons fitted with spikes of iron (*śataghni*), weapons of steel (*kārmārikāḥ*), tridents (*śūla*), bamboos fitted with iron points, explosives (*agnisaṁyogāḥ*) and the like.

c7.91

The city should be provided with 12 gates out of which roads will lead to different stations in the country and to forests.

c7.92

In its strongest part (*pravīre vāstuni*) is to be built the royal residence (*rājaniveśa*) covering a ninth of its area (*navabhāga*).

c7.93

Adjoining the palace are to be the buildings for the king’s preceptor, priest, sacrificial ceremonies (*ijyā*) and reservoir of water (*toyasthānam*), as also the residences of the Ministers.

c7.94

Adjoining these will be the royal kitchen, the Assembly Hall (*Hastiśālā hastipṛishṭhākāram sabhāgṛiham*) and the store house.

c7.95

Outside the palace (*tataḥ paraṁ rājabhavanāt vahiḥ*) will be the dwellings of dealers in perfumes, garlands, grains, and drinks, dwellings of principal artisans, and of Kshatriyas.

c7.96

Next will come the Treasury building, Accounts office, and the shops of goldsmiths and silversmiths (*Karmanishadyāḥ svarṇarajata-śilpasthānāni*).

c7.97

Then will come the shops of workers in other metals (*Kupya-gṛihaṁ svarṇa rajatetarasthānam*) and the arsenal.

c7.98

These will be followed by the offices of the Municipal Corporation (*Nagara-vyāvahārika*), the Controller of Grain Market (*Dhānya-vyāvahārika*), the Superintendent of Mines and the Commander of the Army.

c7.99

Next will follow the hotels and restaurants supplying cooked foods, meats, and wines, and dwellings of prostitutes, and actors (*tālāpachārā naṭāḥ*), as well as of the Vaiśyas.

c7.100

Next will be the stables for asses, camels, the workshop, and the garages for vehicles and conveyances.

c7.101

After these will come the quarters of different craftsmen, workers in wood, cotton, hemp, leather and of the Śūdras.

c7.102

These will be followed by shops of medical stores (*bhaishajyagṛiham*).

c7.103

Next will come the granary and the cattle shed and stable for horses.

c7.104

After these will be located the temples of the royal dynastic deities and of the gods worshipped by the citizens at large: then the shops of the blacksmiths, and jewellers and then the dwellings of the Brāhmaṇas.

c7.105

In the available space of the city will be located the craft guilds and companies of foreign merchants (*pravahaṇika-nikāyāḥ pravahaṇikāḥ videśāgatā vaṇijaḥ teshāṁ samūhāḥ*).

c7.106

Within the city will also be located the temples of Durgā (*Aparājitā*), Vishṇu (*Apratihata*), Subrahmaṇya (*Jayanta*), Indra (*Vaijayanta*), Śiva, Vaiśravaṇa, Aśvins, Lakshmī and Madirā.

c7.107

Heretics and Chaṇḍālas or *Kāpālikas* will live beyond the cremation grounds.

c7.108

The store house of the capital must contain sufficient quantities of the necessaries of life to last for many years (against a prolonged siege of the city), necessary articles of food, medicines, and defence.

c7.109

No quarters are to be given to the *Bahirikas*, such as acrobats, actors, and dancers, who are dangerous to the well-being of both urban and rural people.

c7.110

**Pataliputra in Indian Literature: Buddhist Texts.** Pāṭaliputra has figured for a long time in Indian literature both before and after Chandragupta. Its foundation is traced in the Pali texts to the famous emperor of Magadha, Ajātaśatru, *c.* 551-519 B.C. who selected for the city a convenient site on the Ganges and had it constructed under the supervision of his chief ministers named Sunīdha and Vassakāra. The Buddha visited the city on the occasion of its foundation and made the following prophecy about its future greatness: "And among famous places of residence and haunts of busy men, this will become the chief, the city of Pāṭaliputra, a centre for interchange of all kinds of ware." [*Mahāparinibbāna Suttanta*, p. 18, tr. SBE.] The same prophecy is repeated in the *Mahāvagga*, VI. 28, 8: "(At the right place), Ānanda, the Magadha ministers, Sunīdha and Vassakāra, build this town at Pāṭaligrāma in order to repel the Vajjis. As far, Ānanda, as Aryan people dwell, as far as merchants travel, this will become the chief town, the city of Pāṭaliputta.."

c7.111

**Patanjali.** Patañjali (c. 2nd century B.C.) describes Pāṭaliputra as '*anuśoṇam Pāṭaliputram*' in his *Mahābhāshya* [II, 1, 2] which means that Patañjali knew Pāṭaliputra as situated on the banks of the Śoṇa. The lofty buildings and the parapets for which the city was known impressed Patañjali so much that he refers to them as grammatical examples. Thus in IV, 3.2 he says: "*Pāṭaliputrakāḥ prāsādāḥ Pāṭaliputrakāḥ prākārāḥ iti.*"

c7.112

*Mudrā-Rākshasa.* In the later drama of *Mudrā-Rākshasa*, there is an interesting description of Pāṭaliputra. It indicates that Pāṭaliputra was situated at the confluence of the two rivers, Gaṅgā and Śoṇa. In the drama, Chandragupta after taking possession of the Nanda king's palace called Sugāṅga-prāsāda sees from the palace the beauty of the river Gaṅgā being led fast, as a declining stream, after the rains, by the season of autumn towards her lord, the sea [III, 9]. This shows that the city was directly on the river Ganges. At the same time, the drama tells us that Malayaketu had to cross the river Śoṇa to be able to reach Pāṭaliputra. He says: "My elephants in their hundreds will drink up the waters of the river Śoṇa in their march towards the city" [IV, 16].

c7.113

It is also stated in the drama that the city was surrounded by a rampart (*prākāra*) on which archers (*śarasandharāḥ*) could be posted in its defence. The city is also described to be of many gates at which were stationed elephants strong enough to break through the array of the enemy's elephants [II, 13]. We are further told that one of the gates was fitted with a mechanical gate (*Yantra-toraṇa*) which could be let down by manipulating an iron bolt (*loha-kīlakam*) [II, 15].

c7.114

It may be noted that the Greeks use the term Erannobaos which corresponds to Sanskrit *Hiraṇya-vāha*, a name of the Śoṇa river (Bāṇa's *Harsha-charita*, p. 19, ed. Parab).

c7.115

**Fa-hien.** We may further note that the Chinese traveller Fa-hien who travelled in India between the years 319-414 A.D. saw the Mauryan palace in a good condition and describes it as follows: "The king's (Asoka's) palace in the city, with its various halls, all built by spirits who piled up stones, constructed walls and gates, carved designs, engraved and inlaid, after no human fashion, is still in existence."

c7.116

**Royal Decrees.** The king had to perform his administrative work by means of his decrees which Kauṭilya calls *Śāsanas* [II, 10]. The king was to appoint a qualified writer called *Lekhaka* who will listen to the king's order, and comprehending it fully, will reduce it to writing. The king's writs are issued to his Viceroys (*Īśvaras*) or to other officials. Therefore, the writer must be one of high qualifications such as those of an *Amātya* or Minister, with a knowledge of different customs, good hand-writing, quick at composition, and able to decipher writing.

c7.117

The qualities of a good composition (*lekhasampat*) consist of a logical arrangement of matter (*arthakrama*), relevancy (*sambandha*), fulness of expression (*paripūrṇatā*), agreeable expression (*mādhuryam*), dignity of language (*audāryam*) and clearness of expression (*spashṭatvam*).

c7.118

Dr. F. W. Thomas suggests [*Cambridge History of India*, I. 488] that these *Lekhakas* belonged to the office of the Minister of Correspondence called *Praśāstā* in charge of the issue of the king's *śāsanas*.

c7.119

The royal writs may be those of Notice (*prajñāpana*), command (*ājñā*), gift (*paridāna*), remission (*parīhāra*), licence (*nisṛishṭi*), instruction (*prāvṛittika*), reply (*pratilekha*), and of general proclamation (*sarvatraga*). "Having studied all the Śāstras and having also considered the applications of their injunctions, Kauṭilya has thus laid down the procedure for royal ordinances in the interests of Narendra" (which is supposed to be the name of Chandragupta according to some tradition).

Linked texts (14)