The Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts c49: Glossary
The Chālukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts c49
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Glossary
c49.1
ĀCHĀRYA. A teacher. ĀDIKE-NĀRĀYANA. A name of Vishnu. AGNI. The god of fire, and the guardian of the south-east point of the compass. AINDRĪ or INDRĀNĪ. The *śakti*, wife or female counterpart of Indra. AMALAKA, AMALAŚILA or AMALASARI. The flat melon-shaped crowning member under the finial, of a northern type of tower. AṄKUŚA. The elephant goad, one of the symbols carried by Indra. ARDHACHANDRA. The semicircular doorstep before a shrine door. ARDHANĀRĪ. Śiva represented as one half male and the other half female—Śiva and Pārvatī. ARJUNA. The name of the third of the Pāṇḍava brothers; son of Kuntī by Indra. ĀSANA. A seat or throne. ASHTADIKPĀLAS. The eight regents or guardians of the four cardinal and four intermediate points of the compass. ĀSURAS. Demons, as opposed to the *suras* or gods. AVATĀRA. An incarnation. There were ten special ones of Vishnu.
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BADMĀSH. An evilly-disposed fellow. BALARĀMA. The name of the elder brother of Kṛiṣhṇa. BASAPPA, BASAVA or BASAVANNA. Śiva's bull Nandi. Also the name of the founder of the Liṅgāyat sect. BASTI. A temple. Term used in the Kanarese districts. BHAIRAVA. The terrific form of Śiva. BHAVANISAṄKARA. Śiva and Pārvatī. A name applied to a *liṅga*. BHĪMA. The name of one of the Pāṇḍavas. BHĪSHMA. Son of Gaṅgā and commander-in-chief of the Kuru army. BHUTANĀTHA. An epithet of Śiva as ‘Lord of Spirits’. BRAHMĀ. The first deity of the Triad—the Creator. BRĀHMAṆA. A member of the highest caste. BRAHMĀṆĪ or BRAHMĪ. The *śakti* or female counterpart of Brahmā.
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CHAITYA. Term applied to the arched-roofed caves of the Buddhists. CHANDRAMAULĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva as the ‘Moon-crested.’ CHAJJA. An overhanging cornice. CHĀMUṆḌA. One of the fierce forms of Pārvatī and one of the *saptamātṛi*. CHAKRA. The discus of Viṣṇu. CHANDRAŚEKHARA. An epithet of Śiva as ‘He who wears a half moon on his forehead.’ CHANDRAŚILA. ‘Moonstone’, or the semicircular doorstep before a shrine. CHĀRPĀĪ. A bedstead or a litter on ‘four legs.’ CHAUMUKHA. Four images placed back to back, with their ‘four faces’ looking towards the four cardinal points. CHĀURĪ. A fly flap, generally made of yak tail in a silver-mounted handle. CHĀVAḌĪ. The village police station. CHHATRI. An umbrella, a light pavilion. CHHĀYĀ. ‘Shadow,’ one of the wives of Sūrya.
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ḌAGABA. A solid dome built over the relics of Buddha or a Buddhist saint. The term is more especially applied to those rock-cut ones in Chaitya caves. ḌEVĪ. ‘Goddess’. More particularly applied, alone, to Pārvatī or Lakshmī. Queens and princesses were accorded this title. ḌHENUKA. A demon, in the form of an ass, destroyed by Rama. ḌĪPADĀN. A lamp pillar. ḌODḌA BASAPPA. The same as Basava. ḌŪSHAṆA. One of the heroes of the Mahābhārata. ḌVĀRAPĀLA. A doorkeeper.
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EKADANTA. ‘One tusk,’ a name of Gaṇapati.
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GAJA-LAKSHMĪ. Lakshmī, the wife of Viṣṇu when accompanied by her elephants. GALGEŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. GAṆAPATI or GAṆEŚA. The son of Śiva and Pārvatī, who, after an accident to his own, was given an elephant’s head. GAṆḌABHĒRUṆḌA. A fabulous bird, with two heads, which was supposed to prey upon elephants. GAṄGĀ. The Ganges personified as a goddess. GARUḌA. Son of Kasyapa by his wife Vinatā; the *vāhana* or vehicle of Viṣṇu. GOPĪS. Wives of cowherds, milkmaids. GOPURA. A lofty gateway before a southern India temple. GOVARDHANA. The hill that Kṛishṇa raised upon the point of his finger. GUḌI. A Kanarese term for a temple.
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HANUMĀN. The monkey chief and warrior of the Rāmāyaṇa. HARIHARA. Viṣṇu and Śiva combined in the person of one deity.
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INDRA. The lord of the gods and the guardian of the east. INDRĀNĪ. The *sakti* or female counterpart of Indra. ĪŚA. An epithet of Śiva and guardian of the north-east.
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JAMBHULIṄGA. The name of one of Śiva's *liṅgas*. JAṬĀYUS. The great bird that attacked Rāvaṇa when he was carrying off Sītā. JINA. A Jaina *tīrthankara*, or religious reformer, of whom they count seventy-two, *i.e.*, twenty-four in the past, twenty-four in the present and twenty-four in the future.
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KĀSIDDHĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. KAILĀSA. Śiva's mountain home or heaven. KAITABHĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. KALAŚA. A pot, and hence applied to the pot-shaped finial of a temple. KALLĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. KANSA. A chief slain by Kṛiṣhṇa. KĀRTIKĒYA. The god of war and leader of the forces of the gods. KĀŚIVIŚVĒŚVANĀTHA. An epithet of Śiva. KAUMĀRĪ. A name of Pārvatī, and *sakti* of Kārtikēya. KAURAVAS or KURUS. The one hundred sons of Dhṛitarāshṭra who contended with the Pāṇḍvas in the war of the Mahābhārata. KEŚAVA. A name of Vishṇu. KIRTIMUKHA. 'Face of fame'; a grotesque mask much used in old Hindu architecture. Probably a conventionalised lion's face. KĪRTISTAMBHA. 'Pillar of fame'; a pillar or column erected as a separate architectural feature. The term is also applied to an ornamental entrance or gateway erected upon two lofty pillars. KṚISHṆA. One of the incarnations of Vishṇu. KUVERA or KUBERA. The god of wealth and guardian of the north.
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LAKSHMAṆA. Step-brother of Rāma, king of Ayodhya. LAKULĪŚA. An incarnation of Śiva. LAṄKA. Ceylon. LIṄGA. The genital organ of Śiva, worshipped in the form of a phallus. LIṄGAYAT. One of the sect founded by Basava, in the Kanarese districts, in the twelfth century, the *liṅga* being their particular object of worship. LŌKĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva.
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MAHĀBHĀRATA. A celebrated epic poem chiefly describing the wars between the Pāṇḍavas and the Kurus. MAHĀDĒVA. 'The great god'; a name particularly applied to Śiva. MAHĀKŪTĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. MAHĀMAṆḌALĒŚVARA. A high officer in charge of a province. MAHĀMAYĀ or MAHĀMAYĪ. A name of Durgā or Pārvatī. MAHĀVĪRA. The name of the last of the present twenty-four *tīrthankaras* MAHENDRĪ. The goddess Indrānī. MAHEŚVARĪ. A name of Pārvatī. MAHIṢĀSURA-MARDANĪ. Pārvatī as the slayer of the demon Mahiṣa. MAKARA. A conventional beast used in Hindu decoration, probably the tapir or rhinoceros. MĀLĀ. A rosary of beads or seeds. MALLIKĀRJUNA. Name of a Śiva-liṅga. MALLINĀTHA. One of the present twenty-four *tīrthankaras*. MAṆḌAPA. A hall. MĀRĪCHA. A *rakshasa* or demon who, in the disguise of a deer, lured Rāma away from Sītā while Rāvaṇa carried her off as related in the Rāmāyaṇa. MAṬHA. A monastery or convent. MIḤRĀB. A niche in the back wall of a mosque towards which worshippers turn to pray. MUKTĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva.
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NĀGA. A snake. NANDI. Śiva's bull. NAṆṆĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. NARASIṂHA. The lion *avatāra* or incarnation of Viṣṇu. NĀRĀYAṆA. Viṣṇu. NAVAGRAHA. The nine planets. NEMINĀTHA. One of the present twenty-four *tīrthankaras*. NIRRITI. The personification of Decay or Destruction, the guardian of the south-west.
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PACHĀNANA. A form of Śiva with ‘five faces.’ PALIDHVAJA. A banner. PĀN. A leaf. PAÑCHĀYATANA. An arrangement of five temples in a group. PĀṆḌAVAS. The five mythical brothers of the Mahābhārata. PAPANĀTHA. An epithet of Śiva. PARAŚURĀMA. One of the *avatāras* of Viṣṇu. PĀRŚVANĀTHA. One of the present twenty-four *tīrthankaras*. PĀRVATĪ. The ‘mountain-born,’ the wife of Śiva. PĀŚA. A noose. PINḌI. The *liṅga*. PRADAKṢIṆA. A circumambulatory passage around a shrine. PŪJĀRI. An officiating priest in a temple. PURĀṆA. A legend, a history.
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RĀKSHASA. A demon. RĀMA. The hero of the Rāmāyaṇa epic and an incarnation of Viṣṇu. RĀMĀYAṆA. A celebrated epic poem treating of the banishment of Rāma, the son of the king of Ayodhya, his fight with the demon king of Ceylon for the recovery of Sītā, and his return home and accession to the throne of his father.
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RAMEŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. RAVANA. The demon king of Ceylon, who abducted Sītā, the wife of Rāma. RISHABNĀTHA. The first of the present twenty-four *tirthankaras*. RUDRA. A form of Śiva.
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ŚAKA. A Hindu era beginning in A.D. 78. ŚAKTI. The female counterpart of a god. ŚALUNKA. The stone in which the *linga* is set upright, intended to represent the female counterpart of the *linga*. SALYA. One of the heroes in the Mahābhārata war. ŚAMBHU. Śiva. SANGNA. One of Sūrya’s two wives. ŚANKHA. A shell, an emblem of Vishnu. ŚANTĒSVARA. An epithet of Śiva. SAPTAMĀTRĪ. The ‘Seven Mothers’. SARASVATĪ. The wife of Brahmā and goddess of learning and speech. ŚASHTIMATRIYA. A name of Kārtikēya. SATĪ. The act of self-immolation on a husband’s pyre. ŚESHA. One of the chiefs of the serpent race, or Nāgas, of the under-world. ŚESHAPHANA. The hood of a snake. SHANMATURA. A name of Kārtikēya. SIDDHĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. SIDDHARAMĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. ŚIKHARA. The tower of a temple. SIMHĀSANA. A ‘lion throne’ upon which an image is often seated in a temple. SĪTĀ. The wife of Rāma, whose abduction led to the war of the Rāmāyaṇa. ŚIVA. The third deity of the Triad, the others being Brahmā and Vishnu. SŌMĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. STAMBHA. A pillar. STŪPA. A burial or memorial mound. SUGRĪVA. One of the chiefs of the monkey host that assisted Rāma to recover Sītā. SŪRPAṆAKHĀ. The demon hag who played a part in the abduction of Sītā. SŪTRADHĀRĪ. An architect, a mason, a carpenter. SŪRYA. The sun god. SVASTIKA. A religious symbol—a cross with the ends of the equal arms turned at right angles. The fylfot.
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TĀLUKĀ. A sub-division of a district. TĀṆḌAVA. An extraordinary dance of Śiva. TĀRAKĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. TĪRTHANKARA. See ‘Jina’. TORAṆA. A light ornamental arch, like a hanging garland inverted. TRIKŪTĒŚVARA. An epithet of Śiva. TRIŚŪLA. A trident, an emblem of Śiva.
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VĀHANA. The vehicle of a god. VAISHṆAVĪ. The *śakti* or female counterpart of Vishṇu. VĀMANA. The dwarf *avatāra* of Vishṇu. VARĀHA. The boar *avatāra* of Vishṇu. VARĀHĪ. The female counterpart of Varāha. VARUṆA. God of the waters and guardian of the west. VĀYU. God of the winds and guardian of the north-west. VIHĀRA. A Buddhist or Jaina monastery or temple. VĪRAGAL or VĪRAKAL. A memorial or 'hero stone'. VIRŪPĀKSHA. An epithet of Śiva. VISHṆU. The second deity of the Triad. VÍŚVARKARMA. The architect of the gods.
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YAMUNĀ. The Jamna river personified as a goddess. YOGI. An ascetic. YONĪ. The stone in which the *linga* rests as representing its female counterpart.
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SKETCH PLAN OF AIHOLE SHEWING THE POSITIONS OF THE TEMPLES
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AIHOLE: THE TEMPLE OF MEGUTI FROM THE N. E.
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the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction of the faithful. They were not history in the modern sense of the word; they were moral tales, designed to illustrate the power of God and the vanity of the world.
c49.24
But even in these works, we can see the beginnings of a more critical spirit. The *Gesta Romanorum*, for instance, contains stories that are clearly derived from classical sources, and the *Legenda Aurea* is full of accounts of the lives of the saints that are based on earlier, more reliable records. The Church was not entirely indifferent to the truth; it was simply that its conception of truth was different from our own. It was a truth that was not to be found in the dusty archives of the past, but in the living experience of the present.
c49.25
It is in this context that we must understand the work of the great chroniclers of the Middle Ages, such as Matthew Paris and William of Malmesbury. They were not merely recording events; they were interpreting them in the light of the Christian faith. They saw the hand of God in every event, and they sought to show how the history of the world was, in reality, the history of the salvation of mankind.
c49.26
This, then, was the task of the historian in the Middle Ages: to show how the world was governed by the providence of God, and how the Church was the instrument through which that providence was made manifest. It was a task that required not only learning and industry, but also a deep and abiding faith. And it is for this reason that the history of the Church is, in many ways, the history of the Middle Ages themselves.
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SCALE OF 12 1 2 3 4 FEET
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JINA AND DEVI IN THE TEMPLE OF MEGUTI.
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SCALE OF FEET. 10 20 30 40 50
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AIHOLE: PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF MEGUTI.
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AIHOLE: THE TEMPLE OF LAD KHAN
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AIHOLE: THE KONT-GUDI.
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SECTION OF THE TEMPLE OF LAD KHAN
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SCALE OF 10 0 5 10 20 30 40 50 FEET
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AIHOLE: PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF LAD KHAN.
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the Lacedaemonians, who had been previously warned by the oracle to beware of a "lame reign," were troubled by the lameness of Agesilaus, and interpreted the oracle as referring to the kingship, and not to the lameness of the king. But Lysander, the friend of Agesilaus, interpreted it as referring to the lameness of the king, and not to the kingship. And so it was that Agesilaus became king.
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The Lacedaemonians, having thus settled the succession, were now free to turn their attention to the war with the Persians. They sent out an army under the command of Agesilaus, who, after a series of successful campaigns, was recalled to Greece by the news of the outbreak of the Corinthian War.
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The Corinthian War, which lasted from 395 to 387 B.C., was a conflict between Sparta and a coalition of four allied states—Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos—which were initially backed by Persia. The war was fought in two theaters: around Corinth and Thebes, and in the Aegean Sea.
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The war ended with the Peace of Antalcidas, also known as the King's Peace, which was imposed by the Persian King Artaxerxes II. The treaty stipulated that the Greek cities of Ionia were to be under Persian control, while all other Greek cities were to be independent. This treaty effectively ended the war and restored Spartan hegemony in Greece.
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The Peace of Antalcidas was a significant turning point in Greek history. It marked the end of the period of Spartan dominance and the beginning of a new era of instability and conflict. The treaty was widely unpopular in Greece, as it was seen as a betrayal of the Greek cause and a surrender to Persian influence.
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Despite the unpopularity of the treaty, it remained in effect for several years, and it was not until the rise of Thebes that the balance of power in Greece began to shift once again. The Thebans, under the leadership of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, began to challenge Spartan authority, and this led to a new series of conflicts that would eventually culminate in the Battle of Leuctra in 371 B.C.
c49.44
The Battle of Leuctra was a decisive victory for the Thebans, and it marked the end of Spartan hegemony in Greece. The battle was fought between the Thebans and the Spartans, and it was the first time that a Spartan army had been defeated in a major battle. The victory of the Thebans was a shock to the Greek world, and it signaled the beginning of a new era of Theban dominance.
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WINDOWS IN THE TEMPLE OF LAD KHAN.
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AIHOLE: FACADE OF THE FRONT PORCH OF THE TEMPLE OF LAD KHAN.
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AIHOLE: PILLARS OF THE TEMPLE OF LAD KHAN
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AIHOLE: PILLAR IN KONT-GUDI.
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AIHOLE: SHRINE DOOR OF TEMPLE BESIDE KONT-GUDI.
c49.51
the *dēmos* of the city, and the *dēmos* of the country, and the *dēmos* of the Piraeus, were all distinct, and the *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical. The *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative, and the *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate. The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both.
c49.52
The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both. The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both.
c49.53
The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both. The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both.
c49.54
The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both. The *dēmos* of the Piraeus was the most radical because it was the most dependent on the sea, and the *dēmos* of the city was the most conservative because it was the most dependent on the land. The *dēmos* of the country was the most moderate because it was the most independent of both.
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AIHOLE: THE DURGA TEMPLE
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[The page is blank.]
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AIHOLE: THE FRONT PORCH OF THE DURGA TEMPLE.
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AIHOLE: THE DURGA TEMPLE FROM THE NORTH-WEST
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PLAN
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CAVE XIX AT AJANTA
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PERFORATED STONE WINDOWS
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SCALE OF 10 20 30 40 FEET
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SCALE OF 1 2 3 FEET
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AIHOLE : THE DURGA TEMPLE.
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the *Consilium* of 1537, which was intended to be a secret document, was published in Germany by the Protestants, who used it as a weapon against the Papacy. It was a severe blow to the prestige of the Curia, and the Pope was deeply offended. Contarini, who had been the moving spirit of the *Consilium*, was now in a difficult position. He had to defend himself against the charge of having betrayed the secrets of the Church to the heretics. He wrote a letter to the Pope, in which he explained that he had not been responsible for the publication of the *Consilium*, and that he had only intended it for the eyes of the Pope and the cardinals. He also pointed out that the *Consilium* was not a formal document, but only a draft, and that it had not been approved by the Pope.
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The *Consilium* was not the only document that caused trouble. There were other papers, some of which were of a more radical nature, which were also published by the Protestants. These papers, which were attributed to the members of the *Oratory of Divine Love*, were used to show that there was a strong movement for reform within the Church, and that this movement was being suppressed by the Pope and the Curia. The Protestants were eager to show that the Church was divided against itself, and that the reform movement was a sign of its weakness.
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The Pope, however, was not to be intimidated. He continued to pursue his policy of reform, but he did so in his own way. He appointed a commission of cardinals to examine the *Consilium* and to report on its recommendations. The commission, which was composed of men who were loyal to the Pope, was not likely to recommend any radical changes. It was, however, a sign that the Pope was aware of the need for reform, and that he was willing to consider some of the suggestions that had been made.
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The *Consilium* of 1537 was a turning point in the history of the Catholic Reformation. It showed that there was a strong desire for reform within the Church, and that this desire was not limited to the Protestants. It also showed that the reform movement was not a monolithic entity, and that there were different views on how the Church should be reformed. The *Consilium* was a catalyst for the Catholic Reformation, and it helped to shape the course of the Church's response to the challenges of the Reformation.
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AIHOLE: THE HUCHCHIMALLI-GUDI FROM THE SOUTH-EAST.
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AIHOLE: THE HUCHCHIMALLI-GUDI FROM THE NORTH-WEST.
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AIHOLE: PLAN OF THE HUCHCHIMALLIGUDI.
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SCALE OF 10 20 30 FEET
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AIHOLE: PLAN OF TEMPLE NO. 9.
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SCALE OF FEET. 10 20 30 40 50
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AIHOLE: TEMPLE NO. 9 IN FIELD TO SOUTH OF VILLAGE.
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AIHOLE: SHRINE DOORWAY BESIDE TEMPLE NO. 9
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SCULPTURES FROM TEMPLE NO. 9.
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AIHOLE: LONGITUDINAL SECTION OF TEMPLE NO. 9.
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CROSS SECTION OF TEMPLE NO. 9.
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ELEVATION
c49.84
PLAN
c49.85
THE SHRINE DOORWAY OF TEMPLE NO. 9.
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AIHOLE : IMAGES FROM THE WALLS OF TEMPLE NO. 9.
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AIHOLE: THREE CEILING SLABS FROM TEMPLE NO. 9.
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AIHOLE: FOUR SECTIONS OF ARCHITRAVE FROM TEMPLE NO. 9.
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the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction of the faithful. They were not history in the modern sense of the word; they were moral tales, designed to illustrate the power of God and the vanity of the world.
c49.93
But even in these works, we can see the beginnings of a more critical spirit. The *Gesta Romanorum*, for instance, contains stories that are clearly derived from classical sources, and the *Legenda Aurea* is full of accounts of the lives of the saints that are based on earlier, more reliable records. The Church was not entirely indifferent to the truth; it was simply that its conception of truth was different from our own. It was a truth that was not to be found in the dusty archives of the past, but in the living experience of the present.
c49.94
It is in this context that we must understand the work of the great chroniclers of the Middle Ages, such as Matthew Paris and William of Malmesbury. They were not merely recording events; they were interpreting them in the light of the Christian faith. They saw the hand of God in every event, and they sought to show how the history of the world was, in reality, the history of the salvation of mankind.
c49.95
This, then, was the task of the historian in the Middle Ages: to show how the world was governed by the providence of God, and how the Church was the instrument through which that providence was made manifest. It was a task that required not only learning and industry, but also a deep and abiding faith. And it is for this reason that the history of the Church is, in many ways, the history of the Middle Ages themselves.
c49.96
AIHOLE: TEMPLE NO. 10 FROM THE SOUTH-WEST.
c49.97
AIHOLE: MATHA NO. 8, IN THE VILLAGE.
c49.98
the Lacedaemonians, who had been waiting for the signal, now rushed in. The Plataeans, seeing the enemy inside, and some of them already killed, fled for refuge to the altars and temples, hoping that the sanctity of the places would protect them, or that they might in some way or other save their lives. The women and children, who had been shut up in the houses, shrieked and wailed, and the Thebans, fearing that they might be killed, set fire to the houses and buildings indiscriminately, in order to clear the city. The fire, fanned by the wind, spread rapidly, and the confusion was terrible.
c49.99
Those who escaped the fire were hunted down in the streets and alleys. Many were killed, and others were taken prisoners. The Thebans, having achieved their object, and fearing that the Plataeans might receive reinforcements from Athens, began to retreat. But the Plataeans, who had now recovered from their first panic, and seeing the small number of the Thebans, rallied and attacked them. They blocked the gates, and the Thebans, finding themselves trapped, fought desperately. Some climbed the walls and jumped down, most of them perishing in the fall. Others, finding a gate which had been left unguarded, managed to escape, but were pursued and killed in the countryside.
c49.100
The greater part of the Theban force, however, was either killed or captured. The Plataeans, having thus repelled the attack, sent a messenger to Athens to report what had happened and to ask for help. The Athenians, on receiving the news, immediately sent a force to Plataea, and also took measures to secure the safety of the city. They also sent a message to the Thebans, demanding the release of the prisoners, and threatening to kill the Thebans who were in their hands if any harm came to the Plataeans. The Thebans, fearing for their own men, agreed to the terms, and the prisoners were exchanged.
c49.101
This event, which was the beginning of the war, caused great excitement throughout Greece. The Plataeans, who had been allies of the Athenians, now became more closely bound to them, and the Thebans, who were allies of the Lacedaemonians, were equally committed to their side. The war, which had been threatening for so long, had at last begun, and it was to involve all the Greek states in a long and bitter struggle.
c49.102
AIHOLE: SHRINE DOORWAY IN TEMPLE NO. 10
c49.103
AIHOLE: PILLARS IN TEMPLE NO. 10
c49.104
AIHOLE: VISHNU FROM CEILING OF TEMPLE NO. 7.
c49.105
AIHOLE: BRAHMA FROM CEILING OF TEMPLE NO. 7.
c49.106
AIHOLE: FRONT OF TEMPLE NO. 7.
c49.108
AIHOLE: TEMPLE NO 24, IN VILLAGE.
c49.109
AIHOLE: TEMPLE NO. 53, IN FIELD TO SOUTH OF VILLAGE.
c49.110
the Roman world, and the most important events of the reign of Antoninus Pius, are comprised within the limits of the following chapters.
c49.111
The death of Antoninus is the first event of recorded history which is more than a century distant from the present time. The reign of his successor, Marcus Antoninus, is observed to be the term, after which the Roman virtue gradually declined, and the Roman greatness was irretrievably lost.
c49.112
The administration of the Antonines is distinguished by the rare advantage of being described by the contemporary writers, whose veracity and judgment are equally unquestionable. The life of Hadrian, and the first Antoninus, was written by the pen of a friend, and the reign of Marcus was recorded by the emperor himself, in his own meditations.
c49.113
The character of Marcus Antoninus is one of the most perfect that has ever been adorned by the virtues of a philosopher, or the dignity of a sovereign. His mind was formed by the study of the Stoic philosophy, which taught him to subdue his passions, to despise the vanities of the world, and to consider himself as a member of the great community of mankind.
c49.114
The reign of Marcus was disturbed by the rebellion of Avidius Cassius, who assumed the purple in the East. The emperor, instead of being provoked by the treachery of his general, expressed his concern for the safety of his family, and his desire to spare the blood of his subjects. The rebellion was suppressed by the death of Cassius, and the clemency of Marcus was extended to all who had been involved in the revolt.
c49.115
The death of Marcus Antoninus, which happened in the camp at Vindobona, was lamented by the whole empire as a public calamity. He was succeeded by his son Commodus, whose reign is the era of the decline of the Roman empire. The virtues of the father were not inherited by the son, and the vices of Commodus were the source of the misfortunes which afflicted the state.
c49.116
The history of the Roman empire, from the death of Marcus to the accession of Diocletian, is a period of confusion and misery. The throne was occupied by a succession of tyrants, who were raised to power by the caprice of the soldiers, and who were deposed by the same means. The frontiers were invaded by the barbarians, and the provinces were exhausted by the exactions of the tax-gatherers.
c49.117
The reign of Diocletian, which began in the year 284, marks the commencement of a new era in the history of the Roman empire. The administration of the state was reformed, the military system was reorganized, and the authority of the emperor was established on a more solid foundation. The division of the empire into four parts, under the government of two Augusti and two Caesars, was a measure which was intended to secure the stability of the state, and to provide for the succession of the throne.
c49.118
AIHOLE: TEMPLE NO. 11.
c49.119
AIHOLE: BACK OF JAINA TEMPLE NO. 39.
c49.120
AIHOLE : GATEWAY NEAR THE TEMPLE OF GALAGNATHA.
c49.121
SCALE OF 10 FEET
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AIHOLE : DOORWAY OF TEMPLE NO. II.
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SCALE OF 12 FEET
c49.124
[The page is blank]
c49.125
AIHOLE: THE BACK OF THE TEMPLE OF GALAGANATHA.
c49.126
AIHOLE: TEMPLES NOS. 37 AND 38.
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This image is completely blank. There is no text or content to transcribe.
c49.128
MAHAKUTESVARA: THE FRONT OF THE TEMPLE OF MAHAKUTESVARA.
c49.129
MAHAKUTESVARA: VISHNU-PUSHKARINI TANK AND TEMPLES
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[The page is blank]
c49.131
MAHAKUTESVARA: PLAN OF THE MAHAKUTESVARA GROUP OF TEMPLES.
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the *Haskalah* (Enlightenment) movement, which had begun in Germany with Moses Mendelssohn, was now making its influence felt in the Russian Empire. The *Maskilim* (adherents of the *Haskalah*) advocated for the modernization of Jewish education, the adoption of the Russian language, and the integration of Jews into the broader society. They believed that by shedding their traditional insularity and embracing secular knowledge, Jews could improve their social and economic standing. However, this movement faced fierce opposition from the traditionalist rabbinical establishment, which feared that secular education would lead to assimilation and the abandonment of Jewish religious practices.
c49.133
The Russian government, for its part, viewed the *Haskalah* with a mixture of suspicion and opportunism. While it welcomed the potential for "civilizing" the Jewish population, it also feared that the spread of Enlightenment ideas might undermine the autocratic order. Consequently, the government's policy toward the *Haskalah* was inconsistent, oscillating between support for modernizing reforms and repressive measures designed to maintain control over the Jewish community.
c49.134
Despite these challenges, the *Haskalah* movement succeeded in creating a new class of Jewish intellectuals who would play a pivotal role in the development of modern Jewish culture and politics in Russia. They established schools, published journals, and fostered a literary revival that laid the groundwork for the later emergence of Jewish nationalism. The tension between tradition and modernity, which was at the heart of the *Haskalah*, would continue to shape the Jewish experience in the Russian Empire for decades to come.
c49.135
BADAMI VILLAGE AND SOUTHERN FORT FROM THE NORTHERN FORT.
c49.136
the Lacedaemonians, who had been waiting for the signal, now attacked the city. The Plataeans, seeing the enemy already inside and their own men being killed, and realizing that the situation was hopeless, decided to surrender, hoping that they might be spared if they laid down their arms. They did so, and the Lacedaemonians did them no harm.
c49.137
But the Thebans, fearing that if the Lacedaemonians let them go, they would not be able to take vengeance on them, persuaded the Lacedaemonians to put them to death. The Lacedaemonians, thinking that this would be a good way to secure their own position, agreed. They brought the Plataeans out and killed them all, and razed the city to the ground, dividing the territory among themselves.
c49.138
Thus ended the history of Plataea, a city which had been a faithful ally of Athens from the time of the Persian Wars. The Lacedaemonians, having accomplished their purpose, returned home.
c49.139
This event, which took place in the summer, was the last of the major operations of the war. The following winter, the Athenians, who had been suffering from a plague, were further weakened by the loss of their leader, Pericles, who died of the disease.
c49.140
With the death of Pericles, the leadership of Athens passed to men of a different stamp, who were more concerned with their own interests than with the welfare of the state. The war, which had been conducted with some degree of moderation, now became more brutal and destructive.
c49.141
The Lacedaemonians, encouraged by the death of Pericles and the internal strife in Athens, renewed their efforts to bring the war to a successful conclusion. They invaded Attica again, and this time they did not content themselves with ravaging the countryside, but also laid siege to the city of Athens itself.
c49.142
The Athenians, however, were not easily discouraged. They continued to defend their city with great courage, and although they were hard pressed, they managed to hold out against the enemy. The war dragged on, with neither side able to gain a decisive advantage.
c49.143
It was in this atmosphere of uncertainty and despair that the historian Thucydides began to write his account of the war. He was a man of great intelligence and insight, and he saw that the conflict was not merely a struggle between two cities, but a clash of two different ways of life.
c49.144
He sought to understand the causes of the war, and to analyze the forces that were at work. He believed that by studying the past, he could provide a guide for the future, and he hoped that his work would be a possession for all time.
c49.145
In his account, he describes the events of the war with great detail and accuracy. He does not shy away from the harsh realities of the conflict, and he presents both sides of the story with impartiality. He shows how the war affected the lives of ordinary people, and how it changed the course of history.
c49.146
His work is a masterpiece of historical writing, and it remains one of the most important sources for our understanding of the Peloponnesian War. It is a testament to his genius that, even after more than two thousand years, his account still speaks to us with such power and clarity.
c49.147
BADAMI: MALEGITTI-SIVALAYA TEMPLE FROM THE NORTH-EAST.
c49.148
BADAMI: RUINED TEMPLE ON THE NORTHERN FORT FROM THE EAST.
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BADAMI: RUINED TEMPLE ON THE NORTHERN FORT FROM THE S W
c49.150
the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction of the faithful. They were not history in the modern sense of the word; they were moral tales, designed to illustrate the power of God and the vanity of the world.
c49.151
But even in these works, we can see the beginnings of a more critical spirit. The *Gesta Romanorum*, for instance, contains stories that are clearly derived from classical sources, and the *Legenda Aurea* is full of accounts of the lives of the saints that are based on earlier, more reliable records. The Church was not entirely indifferent to the truth; it was simply that its conception of truth was different from our own. It was a truth that was not to be found in the dusty archives of the past, but in the living experience of the present.
c49.152
It is in this context that we must understand the work of the great chroniclers of the Middle Ages, such as Matthew Paris and William of Malmesbury. They were not merely recording events; they were interpreting them in the light of the Christian faith. They saw the hand of God in every event, and they sought to show how the history of the world was, in reality, the history of the salvation of mankind.
c49.153
This, then, was the task of the historian in the Middle Ages: to show how the world was governed by the providence of God, and how the Church was the instrument through which that providence was made manifest. It was a task that required not only learning and industry, but also a deep and abiding faith. And it is for this reason that the history of the Church is, in many ways, the history of the Middle Ages themselves.
c49.154
BADAMI: PLAN OF MALEGITHI-SIVALAYA TEMPLE.
c49.155
PLAN OF THE BHUTANATHA GROUP.
c49.157
SCALE OF 10 0 20 FEET
c49.159
BADAMI: ELEVATION AND LONG SECTION OF MALEGITTI-SIVALAYA.
c49.160
BADAMI: SCULPTURES FROM MALEGITTI-SIVALAYA TEMPLE.
c49.161
SCALE OF 2 1 FOOT
c49.162
SCALE OF 12' 1 2 3 4 5 FEET
c49.163
IMAGE FROM THE TEMPLE OF LAKULISA.
c49.164
PILLAR FROM BHUTANATHA TEMPLE
c49.165
SCALE OF 12' 2 3 4 5 FEET
c49.166
BADAMI: THE BHUTANATHA GROUP OF TEMPLES.
c49.167
the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction of the faithful. They were not history in the modern sense of the word; they were moral tales, designed to illustrate the power of God and the vanity of the world.
c49.168
But even in these works, we can see the beginnings of a more critical spirit. The *Gesta Romanorum*, for instance, contains stories that are clearly derived from classical sources, and the *Legenda Aurea* is full of accounts of the lives of the saints that are based on earlier, more reliable records. The Church was not entirely indifferent to the truth; it was simply that its conception of truth was different from our own. It was a truth that was not to be found in the dusty archives of the past, but in the living experience of the present.
c49.169
It is in this context that we must understand the work of the great chroniclers of the Middle Ages, such as Matthew Paris and William of Malmesbury. They were not merely recording events; they were interpreting them in the light of the Christian faith. They saw the hand of God in every event, and they sought to show how the history of the world was, in reality, the history of the salvation of mankind.
c49.170
This, then, was the task of the historian in the Middle Ages: to show how the world was governed by the providence of God, and how the Church was the instrument through which that providence was made manifest. It was a task that required not only learning and industry, but also a deep and abiding faith. And it is for this reason that the history of the Church is, in many ways, the history of the Middle Ages themselves.
c49.171
[Figure: SANGAMESVARA (VIJAYESVARA) MALLIKARJUNA (TRAILOKYESVARA) VIRUPAKSHA (LOKESVARA) RELATIVE POSITIONS OF THE TEMPLES OF THE TWO QUEENS OF VIKRAMADITYA SCALE OF 10 20 30 40 50 FEET]
c49.174
Inscribed Pillar.
c49.175
SCALE OF 10 10 20 30 FEET
c49.176
SCALE OF 10 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 FEET
c49.177
PATTADAKAL: PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF SANGAMESVARA.
c49.178
PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF MALLIKARJUNA.
c49.180
FROM KALLEŚVARA, KUKKANUR.
c49.181
SCALE OF 12 1 2 3 4 5 FEET
c49.182
PATTADAKAL: PERFORATED STONE WINDOWS FROM VIRUPAKSHA AND MALLIKARJUNA.
c49.183
PATTADAKAL: THE TEMPLE OF SANGAMESVARA FROM THE N. E.
c49.184
PATTADAKAL: THE TEMPLE OF SANGAMESVARA FROM THE S. W.
c49.185
PATTADAKAL: THE TEMPLE OF MALLIKARJUNA.
c49.186
PATTADAKAL: THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.187
PATTADAKAL: IMAGES ON THE WALLS OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.188
PATTADAKAL: IMAGES ON THE WALLS OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.189
PATTADAKAL: ROOF MOULDINGS FROM VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.190
PATTADAKAL: THE TEMPLE OF MALLIKARJUNA FROM THE SOUTH.
c49.191
the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction of the faithful. They were not history in the modern sense of the word; they were moral tales, designed to illustrate the power of God and the vanity of the world.
c49.192
But even in these works, we can see the beginnings of a more critical spirit. The *Gesta Romanorum*, for instance, contains stories that are clearly derived from classical sources, and the *Legenda Aurea* is full of accounts of the lives of the saints that are based on earlier, more reliable records. The Church was not entirely indifferent to the truth; it was simply that its conception of truth was different from our own. It was a truth that was not to be found in the dusty archives of the past, but in the living experience of the present.
c49.193
It is in this context that we must understand the work of the great chroniclers of the Middle Ages, such as Matthew Paris and William of Malmesbury. They were not merely recording events; they were interpreting them in the light of the Christian faith. They saw the hand of God in every event, and they sought to show how the history of the world was, in reality, the history of the salvation of mankind.
c49.194
This, then, was the task of the historian in the Middle Ages: to show how the world was governed by the providence of God, and how the Church was the instrument through which that providence was made manifest. It was a task that required not only learning and industry, but also a deep and abiding faith. And it is for this reason that the history of the Church is, in many ways, the history of the Middle Ages themselves.
c49.195
PATTADAKAL: LAKULISA ON THE WALL OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.196
PATTADAKAL: ARDHANARI ON THE WALL OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.197
PATTADAKAL: PILLARS IN MALLIKARJUNA.
c49.198
PATTADAKAL: FRONT OF THE TOWER OF MALLIKARJUNA.
c49.199
the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction of the faithful. They were not history in the modern sense of the word; they were moral tales, designed to illustrate the power of God and the vanity of the world.
c49.200
But even in these works, we can see the beginnings of a more critical spirit. The *Gesta Romanorum*, for instance, contains stories that are clearly derived from classical sources, and the *Legenda Aurea* is full of accounts of the lives of the saints that are based on earlier, more reliable records. The Church was not entirely indifferent to the truth; it was simply that its conception of truth was different from our own. It was a truth that was not to be found in the dusty archives of the past, but in the living experience of the present.
c49.201
It is in this context that we must understand the work of the great chroniclers of the Middle Ages, such as Matthew Paris and William of Malmesbury. They were not merely recording events; they were interpreting them in the light of the Christian faith. They saw the hand of God in every event, and they sought to show how the history of the world was, in reality, the history of the salvation of mankind.
c49.202
This, then, was the task of the historian in the Middle Ages: to show how the world was governed by the providence of God, and how the Church was the instrument through which that providence was made manifest. It was a task that required not only learning and industry, but also a deep and abiding faith. And it is for this reason that the history of the Church is, in many ways, the history of the Middle Ages themselves.
c49.203
PATTADAKAL. THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA FROM THE SOUTH-EAST.
c49.204
[The page is blank.]
c49.205
PATTADAKAL: INTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.207
PATTADAKAL: PORTION OF THE SOUTH WALL OF VIRUPAKSHA
c49.208
PILLAR IN VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.209
The Church of the Apostles, then, was a society of believers, who, having received the word of God, were baptized, and continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and in prayers. They were a community of brethren, united by the bond of a common faith and a common hope, and animated by the spirit of love. They had all things common, and sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need. They continued daily with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread from house to house, did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of heart, praising God, and having favour with all the people.
c49.210
This primitive Church was not a mere collection of individuals, but a body, a living organism, of which Christ was the head, and the Holy Spirit the animating principle. It was a society which, while it existed in the world, was not of the world. It had its own laws, its own government, its own discipline, and its own mission. Its mission was to bear witness to Christ, to preach the gospel to every creature, and to make disciples of all nations.
c49.211
The government of the Church was at first simple and flexible. The apostles, as the chosen witnesses of Christ, exercised a general oversight and authority. But as the number of believers increased, and the work of the Church expanded, it became necessary to appoint other officers to assist in the administration of its affairs. Thus, we read of the appointment of the seven, who were chosen to serve tables, that the apostles might give themselves continually to prayer, and to the ministry of the word.
c49.212
The discipline of the Church was also simple and effective. It was based on the principle of love and the authority of the word of God. Those who walked disorderly were admonished, and if they persisted in their error, they were excluded from the fellowship of the Church. But the aim of all discipline was the restoration of the offender, and the purity of the body.
c49.213
The worship of the Church was characterized by simplicity, spirituality, and joy. It consisted of the reading and exposition of the scriptures, the singing of psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, the offering of prayers and thanksgivings, and the celebration of the Lord's Supper. The Lord's Supper was the central act of worship, the memorial of Christ's death, and the sign of the communion of the saints.
c49.214
Such was the Church of the Apostles, a society of believers, united by faith, animated by love, and devoted to the service of God and the salvation of men. It was a light in the world, a city set on a hill, which could not be hid. And though it was small and despised in the eyes of the world, it was destined to grow and to spread, until it should fill the whole earth.
c49.219
PATTADAKAL: SCULPTURES FROM FOUR PILLARS OF VIRUPAKSHA.
c49.221
PLAN AND ELEVATION OF THE TEMPLE OF VIRUPAKSHA AT PATTADAKAL.
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Linked texts (8)
- Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
- Historia Augusta — Latin
- Vālmīkirāmāyaṇa — Vālmīki, Sanskrit
- Aihole
- Mukteswara Temple
- Kasivisvesvara Temple
- Papanatha temple
- Jaina Temple (Shanthinatha Basadi)