Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Derived Languages c11: Lecture VI

Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Derived Languages c11

Language: English

c11.67 — 4 parts

Lecture VI

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We will now proceed to consider those forms in the grammar of our languages which are not derived from corresponding Sanskrit or Prâkṛit forms, but which have been constructed in recent times. Such new forms owe their origin to various causes. The old ones lose their distinctive portions and become confused by phonetic decay; or, having been in long use, lose all freshness of meaning and cease to be as expressive as one would wish them to be or their sense is not exactly that which one desires to convey. Thus the old Present and Future got confused in our vernaculars and a new Future was wanted. The old Present itself acquired a potential sense in some and a past habitual sense in one, whence for the expression of present time another set of forms was required. In Sanskrit itself such a phrase as द्विजाय यवागूः ‘gruel for a Brahman’ is not so expressive as द्विजार्थं यवागूः ‘gruel for a Brahman’s purpose’; which again is analysed into its separate elements for greater distinctness into द्विजस्यार्थे यवागूः ‘gruel for the purpose of a Brahman.’ When different words so brought together are kept distinct and consciously used there is no growth of new forms. But if by frequent use and the oblivion of etymology such an expression as स्यार्थे comes to be looked upon as an independent word meaning “for the sake of” and applied promiscuously to all nouns including such as could not oiginally by the usage of Sanskrit have it, as in भ्रातृस्यार्थे, it becomes a termination and a new case form grows up and the old one often goes out of use. Then again phonetic decay sets in and by reducing this expression to सट्ठे and ultimately to साठे (Me. साठिं the original word being सट्ठम्मि) irrevocably stamps it with the character of a case termination having no meaning by itself. Lastly, if one wishes to say of a book that it belongs to him and looks upon it as possessing that attribute and subordinates him to it, the expression तस्य पुस्तकम् will not serve his purpose but he must have some such as तदीयं पुस्तकम्. And if this way of looking at things becomes general तदीय supersedes तस्य. In this way our new forms have grown up.

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The case terminations are in the majority of the languages applied not to the original noun itself but to a certain modified form of it called the oblique form or by the native Marâṭhî grammarians the Sâmânya-rûpa or the common form because it is used in all the cases. There are two Sâmânya-rûpas for the two numbers. In the old languages plurality is expressed by independent terminations but the new terminations of the modern languages being the same for both numbers plurality is denoted by a distinctive oblique form. Some of the modern languages that have no Sâmânya-rûpa have recourse to a novel way of expressing plurality. Of all the vernaculars it is the Marâṭhî that is most particular in the formation of the oblique and has minute rules. Sindhî comes next, then the Hindî and the Panjâbî; after these the Gujarâtî and lastly the Bangâlî and the Oriyâ, which may be said to have no oblique form at all.

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The Marâṭhî oblique forms are made up by adding these terminations :—

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| | Sing. आ | | Pl. आं |
| | ” ई | | ” ई |
| | ” ऊ | | ” आं |
| | ” ऊ | | ” ऊं |
| | ” ए | | ” आं |

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(1) The following classes of nouns take the first—

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(a) Masc. and Neut. nouns in अ as हात ‘hand’. हाता obl., हातास sing. ‘to a hand,’ हातांस pl. ‘to hands.’

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(b) Masc. nouns in आ and neuter nouns in ें which combine the final and the termination into या, but to ए in the speech of the Konkaṇî Karhâḍâs and in the Chitpâvanî and optionally to या or ए in adjectives, as आंबा ‘a mango’, आंब्या obl., आंब्यास sing. ‘to a mango;’ केळें ‘a plantain’, केळ्या obl., केळ्यास sing. ‘to a plantain;’ आंब्रेस ‘to a mango’ in the Konkaṇî Karhâḍâs, पिवळा ‘yellow’, पिवळ्या or पिवळे obl., पिवळ्या आंब्यास or पिवळे आंब्यास sing. ‘to a yellow mango’ respectively.

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(c) A good many Masc. nouns in ई, the ई of which is changed to या before आ as न्हावी nom., न्हाव्या obl., न्हाव्यास sing., न्हाव्यांस pl.

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All neuter nouns in ई as मोतीं—मोत्या—मोत्यास—मोत्यांस.

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(d) Some masc. and nearly all neuter nouns in ऊ. Some of these change ऊ to वा and others drop it, since it is the ऊ of the nom. sing. Apbhr., as भाऊ ‘a brother’—भावा obl., भावास sing. ‘to a brother’, भावांस pl. ‘to brothers’; वाटसरू ‘traveller’, वाटसरा obl., वाटसरास sing., वाटसरांस pl.; गळूं—गळवा—गळवास sing., गळवांस pl. लेकरूं—लेकरा—लेकरास sing., लेकरांस pl. Some nouns of this class take आ optionally as विंचू—विंचवा—विंचवास sing., विंचवांस pl.

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(2) The following nouns take the second form ई, ई.

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( a ) Tatsamas in short इ as कवि—कवी—कवीस.

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( b ) A few masc. nouns in ई as हत्ती ‘elephant’, हत्ती—हत्तीस sing., हत्तींस pl.

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( c ) A good many feminine nouns in अ as रीत ‘manner’, रिती—रितीस sing., रितींस pl., केळ ‘a plantain tree’, केळी—केळीस sing., केळींस pl.

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( d ) Some feminine nouns in ई as भुई ‘ground’, भुई—भुईस sing., भुईंस pl.

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( 3 ) A good many feminine nouns take the third form ई—आं, as घोडी ‘a mare’, घोडी sing., घोड्याँ pl., घोडीस sing., घोड्यांस pl.; साडी ‘a garment worn by females’, साडी sing., साड्या pl., साडीस sing., साड्यांस pl. In the Goan. and Mâl., however, this form does not exist and these nouns take the fifth form ए—आ, as घोड्ये—घोड्येक sing., घोड्यांक pl.; साडी—साड्येक sing., साड्यांक pl.

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( 4 ) Some masc. and feminine nouns in ऊ take the fourth form ऊ—ऊं, as खाऊ—खाऊस sing., खाऊंस pl.; बाजू f. ‘a side’, बाजू—बाजूस sing., बाजूंंस pl.

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( 5 ) The following classes take the fifth form:—A good many fem. nouns in अ as जीभ ‘a tongue’, जिभे sing., जिभां pl., जिभेस sing., जिभांस pl. A good many fem. nouns in ई in the Goan. and Mâl. dialects; see instances given above. Some fem. nouns in ऊ, as जळू ‘a leech’, जळवे sing., जळवां pl., जळवेस sing., जळवांस pl.; जाऊ ‘husband’s brother’s wife’, जावे—जावां etc. Some nouns take this form optionally as सासूस or सास्वेस; सासूस or सास्वांस. The usage in several cases is still unsettled as regards some of these forms. You will observe that there is an anusvâra in the pl. of all forms. Another fact should also be borne in mind that nouns in ई and ऊ often take the आ—आं or ए—आं forms though these properly belong to nouns in अ.

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Sindhī:—

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( 1 ) The following classes of nouns take अ for the obl. sing. and आं, एं and अनि for the pl.:

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( a ) Masc. nouns, the nom. sing. of which ends in उ, as देहु ‘a country’, देह—देहनि obl., देहजो sing. ‘of a country’, देहनिजो pl. ‘of countries’, also देहां—देहें—जो.

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( b ) Masc. nouns in ओ, which, however, combine the final and the termination into ए as in the Chit. Mar. as वाढो ‘a carpenter’, obl. वाढे sing., वाढनि, वाढां and वाढें pl.

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( 2 ) The following nouns take अ for the obl. sing. and नि, अनि and उनि for the pl. in addition to आं and एं.

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(a) Masc. nouns in ई as हारी ‘a peasant’, हारिअ or हारिआं sing., हायें, हारिएं, हार्यां, हारिनि, हार्यनि and हार्युनि pl.

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(b) Fem. nouns in ई as घोडी ‘a mare’, obl. घोडिअ sing. घोडिआं, घोडिएं, घोडिनि, घोड्यनि and घोड्युनि pl.

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(3) Nouns in short इ have no separate form for the sing. of the obl., the nom. form being used; the pl. they form like the above class, as गाल्हि f. ‘a story’, obl. गाल्हि sing., गाल्हिआं, गाल्हिएं, गाल्हिअनि, गाल्हिउनि and गाल्हिनि pl. Masc. nouns in इ, however, do not take the forms in अनि and उनि; as केहरि ‘a lion’, obl. केहरि sing., केहरिनि-आं-एं pl.

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(4) Fem. nouns in अ, आ and उ have no separate form for the sing. while in the pl. they take उनि as सध ‘wish’, obl. सध sing., सधुनि pl.; हचा ‘a murder’, obl. हचा sing., हचाअनि pl.; विजु ‘lightening’, obl. विजु sing., विजुनि pl. The first has सधां and सधें also for the pl. Here there is one type for one class of nouns and not two, as is the case sometimes in the M. The form in उनि is taken by all feminine nouns in अ, आ and ई and also masc. nouns in ई. Masc. nouns in ऊ and fem. nouns in उ have उ in the original base itself and it does not belong to the termination.

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Panjâbî:—

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Panjâbî has the termination ए for the sing. obl. of nouns ending in आ. The sing. of all other nouns has no special form while आं is appended to all nouns to form the obl. pl., before which the final आ of nouns preceded by a consonant is changed to इ, as घोडा ‘a horse’, घोडे obl. sing. and घोडिआं pl. Final उ preceded by a vowel combines with this आं to form वां, as पिउ or पेउ ‘father’, पेवां obl. pl.; and final अ forms आं as मनुख ‘man’, मनुखां obl. pl. There are no other changes.

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Hindî:—

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Hindî like the Panjâbî has an oblique sing. for nouns in आ only. It ends in ए as that of the S. and Chit. M. nouns in ओ, Karh. M. and P. nouns in आ; as घोडे-घोडेका. The pl. obl. of all nouns whatever is formed by adding ओं which amalgamates with the preceding अ of all nouns and the आ of such as are mesculine and combines with इ to form इयों; as गांव ‘a village’, गांवोंका pl. ‘of villages’; घोडा ‘a horse’, घोड़ोंका pl. ‘of horses’; पति ‘a master’, पतियोंका pl. ‘of masters.’ In other cases it is simply added to the noun as माणू ‘a jackal’, भालुओंका pl. ‘of jackals.’ In the Brajbhâshâ and in the old poets the obl. pl. of all nouns has न or नि instead of ओँ, as संत ‘a good man’, संतनका pl. ‘of good men.’ This termination is also added to the nom. sing. to form the nom. pl. of those nouns that have no distinctive form for it; as लोग ‘people’ sing., लोगन pl.; भगत ‘devotee’, भग-तन pl. (चहु जुग भगतन बांधल वाटी (Kabîr)).

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Gujarâtî:—

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In G. the obl. form of masc. and neuter nouns ending in ओ and उँ is formed by substituting आ for those vowels. The latter take an anusvâra in the pl., and the forms of the former for both numbers are alike as घोडो—घोडा—घोडाने sing. and pl. ‘to a horse or horses’; केळुँ ‘a plantain’, केळा—केळाने sing. ‘to a plantain’, केळांने pl. ‘to plantains’. But the nom. pl. forms of these are घोडा and केळां, whence it appears that in the pl. the obl. cases are formed by simply adding the terminations to the nom. pl. and there is no such thing as a common oblique form. And this is the case with the sing. as well as the pl. of all other nouns; as माणस ‘a man’ nom. sing., माणसो nom. pl., माणसने sing. माणसाने pl. The plural termination is ओ and is thus used in all cases. It is added in these days even to the final आ and आं of nouns in ओ and उँ to distinguish the pl. forms from the sing. as घोडा or घोडाओ nom. pl., घोडाने or घोडाओने dat. pl. But the practice has not yet established itself and mostly the forms without ओ are used. Masc. and neut. nouns not ending in ओ or उँ are often used in the pl. without it in such instances as तिहा घणा माणस छे in the nom. and other cases. And this is the usual practice in old G. literature; as—लोकनां पुत्रना विवाह होईछी (Panch.) ‘The marriages of the sons of other people are performed;’ सर्व शास्त्रनो परिचय छे ‘He has a knowledge of all S’âstras.

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कलजुगना ब्राह्मण जेटला
धर्महीन थासे तेटला
तां घर करसे पोता तणां
स्वर्गारोहणनो कीधो ग्रंथ
जेहमा सकल धर्मनो पंथ

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Svargârohaṇa by Sundarabhaṭṭa.

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‘All the Brahmans of Kaliyuga will be without virtue. They will build their homes there. The work Svargârohaṇa was composed in which there is the way of all virtues.’

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अनेक पंखी करे पोकार । गिरिजंगल बहु डुंगरा बळी वांदरना ठाठ

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Kâvyadohana, Tulasî.

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‘ Many birds raise a noise. There are mountains, forests, many hills; over these is a crowd of monkeys. ’

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The ओ however is seen in fem. nouns ending in ई, as—समुद्र गांमनी नदीयो जे हसे । तेमांथी जल सुक्री जसे ॥ Svargârohaṇa.

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‘ The water of the sea and of the rivers on land ( in villages ) will be dried up. ’

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मोठा पर्वत नदियो जेह । तेह तणो नहि लाधे छेह ॥ Kâvyad. Tulasî.

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‘ There is no end of great mountains and rivers that exist.’

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It therefore appears that in masc. and neut. nouns the ओ is a modern innovation and that there was no distinction between the sing. and pl. cases except the nom. of nouns in ओ and उं. The true explanation therefore of the modern ओ of the pl. is that fem. nouns in आ and ई preserved this termination, since they had it in the Prâkṛits, as the minor M. dialects have done, and, the sing. and pl. forms of masc. nouns being alike, the fem. ओ was transferred to them afterwards to distinguish the pl. as is now being done to nouns in ओ and उं. Thus then the G. noun may be said to have no real Sâmânyarûpa or oblique form. Adjectives in ओ however have a form ending in ए when they are used to qualify a substantive in the instr. or old loc. case in ए as आ काम सारे माणसे कीधुं ‘ this thing was done by a good man ’, तलावने काटे छोकरा गया ‘ boys went te the margin of a tank ’; but this may be explained as a remnant of the old agreement between the noun and its adjective and सारे may be regarded as an instr. form and तलावने a loc.

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The Bangâlî and Oriya apply the case terminations directly to the nom. and there is no oblique form. The new terminations being, as in all the modern languages, the same for both numbers and there being no oblique form to express the distinction between them in M. S. H. etc., these languages, like the Guj., were under the necessity of deriving some expression for denoting plurality. The G. found its fem. ओ and employed it for this purpose, but the B. and O. had no such distinctively pl. termination left to fall back upon and so they have recourse to the use of a word signifying collection such as दिग originally ‘direction, row, line’, गण, समूह and सकल etc. after the noun, the plurality of which is to be expressed. Thus राजा ‘ a king ’, राजार ‘ of a king ’, राजादिगेर ‘ of kings ’ lit. ‘ of the direction row or line of a king. ’ Sometimes the word दिग is attached to the gen. sing. as राजारदिगेर to express the gen. relation between राजा and दिग, which is understood in the first expression. To nouns denoting inferior animals समूह and such words are appended and such others as सकल to those signifying inanimate creatures as कुक्कुरेर ‘ of a dog ’ कुक्कुरसमूहेर ‘ of dogs. ’ The Oriya sign of the plural is मान for rational and animate creatures and सकल, समस्त etc. for irrational or inanimate, as पशु ‘a beast’, पशुर sing. ‘ of a beast ’, पशुमानकर ‘ of beasts. ’ The B. adds रा to the nom. sing. of names of rational creatures to form the nom. pl., while समूह, सकल, etc. are applied to the rest. राजा ‘a king’, राजारा ‘kings’; कुक्कुर ‘a dog’, कुक्कुरसमूह ‘dogs.’ The O. adds ए to मान to form the nom. pl. as पशुमाने. This ए is the same as that of घोडे in M. and H.

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Now the question is what is the nature of this Sâmânya-rûpa or oblique form, why does a noun undergo a certain modification before it becomes fit to receive the termination and what is the signification of the modified form and of the nasal that appears in the plural. Let us see how we at the present day join certain words expressive of relation such as संनिध or पाशीं with a noun. We say त्याच्या संनिध or त्याच्या पाशीं i. e. put the noun into the gen. case. Now this त्याच्यापाशीं is convertible with त्याजपाशीं, in which त्याज is the oblique form of तो the demonstrative. Similarly we append even some of the case terminations to the gen. as माझ्यानें काम करवत नाहीं ‘I can not do the work;’ त्याच्यांत कांहीं पाणी नाहीं ‘there is no spirit (lit. water) in him’. May the Sâmânyarûpa then be an original genitive? The gen. is used in the Prâkrits and even in Pâli not only with independent words but is made the base of some cases also as we have seen and the case terminations attached to it, thus मम is acc. sing. of अहम् ‘I’ in the Pâli and the Pr., ममाई instr., ममादो, ममाहि abl., ममस्मि loc. in the latter, in which instances the usual terminations of those cases are added to the original gen. form मम. We find everywhere in the history of our languages that after a time the terminations in some cases come to have an independent sense and then they are detached from the original base and used like ordinary post-positions. Thus, before the loc. स्मि was appended to मम it must have acquired some such sense as ‘in the interior of’ and that the whole expression ममस्मि might mean ‘in the interior of me.’ Similarly in the Apabhramśa some of the postpositions which came into use and which I shall hereafter show have grown into our case terminations are used with the gen. of the noun to which they are attached. Thus :—

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हउं झिजउं तउ केहिं पिअ तुहुं पुणु अन्नह रेसि ‘I pine away for thee, of beloved, but thou for another’, in which we have the postpositions केहिं and रेसि having the sense of ‘for’ used with the genitives तउ ‘thy’ and अन्नह ‘of another’. And if we examine the oblique forms themselves we shall find that they are derived from the Apbhr. and Pr. genitives. Thus the form in आ sing. and आं pl. which nouns in अ, आ etc. take is derived from the Apbhr. ह sing. and हं or अं pl. derived from Pr. स and णं. The grammarians give the Apbhr. sing. termination as हो but ह is also found, as in अन्नह in the above quotation and in the following occurring in an old work:—

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कान्ह तणइ संपत्ति इसी । जिसी इंद्रह घरि रिद्धि ॥

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‘The wealth of Kanha was like the affluence in the house of Indra’ where इंद्रह is gen. sing. The ह of हत्थह for instance is reduced to अ, the aspirate being lost, as is often the case in the vernaculars, and we have हत्था or हाता. Similarly अं of the pl. combines with the preceding अ into आं and we have हातां. The second form ई and ईं is derived from the gen. of nouns in इ or ई masc. or fem. Thus केलिइ is the Pr. gen. sing. from which we have केळी the sing. obl., and केलिणं pl. the णं of, which is reduced to अं as in the other case and we have केळीअं-अ as proved in the last lecture generally goes out in the vernaculars after a long vowel even when medial and after a short dissimilar vowel when final and hence we have केळीं the obl. pl.; or the sing. ई may be derived from another fem. gen. termination अ or the masc. अ for ह, which before the preceding short इ goes out since it is final, as कविह-कविअ-कवी. The fourth form उ and ऊं is similarly derived from masc. and fem. nouns in उ or ऊ as साहुस्स-साहुह-साहुअ-साहू obl. M. though we have not this word in this form in M. श्वश्रू-सस्सू-सस्सुअ gen., सासू obl. sing. M.; सस्सूणं-सस्सुअं-सासूं obl. pl. M. The fifth form in ए sing. and आं pl. is from fem. nouns in आ; Pr. जिब्भाइ or जिब्भाए-जिभे M. obl. sing. and जिब्भाणं-जिब्भाअं-जिभां M. obl. pl. The third form ई sing. and आं pl. is a mixture of the second and the fifth and the nouns that take it form their oblique on the type of the fifth in the Goan. and Mâl. The Sindhî in its अ of the sing. of its first and second forms shortens the आ of the M. i. e. the two अ form one strong अ; while in its third or fourth it either dispenses with the special oblique or this is the same as the nom., as in the case of the M. हत्ती, भुई, सासू etc. The Sindhî plural oblique has one form आं, like the corresponding M. णं, which appears to be from the Apbhr. हं of the gen. pl. of nouns in short इ or उ given by Kramadîs'vara and the rest present the gen. न in an uncorrupted form. Of these अन which all fem.

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nouns and one set of masc. nouns take appears to be a combination of the fem. nom. pl. आ and the gen. नि; i. e. to the nom. pl. of these nouns the obl. नि was added instead of to the original base. The P. pl. आं is the same as the M. and the H. ओं is from the Apbhr. हुं of nouns in इ or उ. Or it may be explained as a combination of the fem. ओं with the nasal of the gen. as the Sindhî अनि is. The Braj न also presents the gen. termination in an unchanged form. This then is the way in which the oblique forms are derived, but as usual the law of false analogy and simplification has been in operation even here and thus while the M. represents them in a pristine condition, the Sindhî has reduced them to fewer types and the P. and H. and perhaps the G. to one and the B. and O. have dropped them altogether.

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It now remains to show why nouns with various endings inflect the obl. in M. and S. according to the same type. I have already shown that the oblique terminations आ and आं properly belong to nouns in अ. Sindhî masc. nouns in उ are as observed on a former occasion really nouns in अ, उ being the nom. sing. termination, whence they take in the sing. आ shortened to अ. Nouns in आ Mar. and P. and in ओ S. also form their oblique according to this type. but the sing. base ends in य or ण in M. and ण in others. These nouns, as shown in the last but one lecture, were originally nouns augmented by the addition of क. Thus Skr. घोटक is Pr. घोडअ or घो-डय, since अ is pronounced य, and with ह or अ the gen. termination becomes घोडय+अ=घोडया which by hasty pronunciation becomes घोड्या; but in the older M. poets we find घोडया also. Now in the state of घोडय it may become, as I have once stated, घोडे as कयल for कदल becomes केल or केळ and after a long vowel the following अ is elided, whence we have the form of the M. dialects and S. and P. and H. Similarly we have the plural घोड्यां. Neuter nouns in ं are also nouns with a final क, as has been shown, hence their oblique is like that of the Masc. nouns in आ. कदलकम्=कयलअं=केळें and केलय+अ of the gen.=केळया=केळया. Similarly सोनें = सुवण्णअ=सुवर्णक etc. Masc. nouns in ई also take this form. If they do so they must be nouns in अ originally and as a matter of fact we do find some of them at least to be so. Thus न्हावी is न्हाविअ Pr., नापित Sk.; wherefore we have न्हाविअ+आ=न्हाव्या; ताम्बोलिक is Pr. ताम्बोलिअ and with the gen. ह or अ the obl. ताम्बोळ्या; वाणिज्य Pr. वाणिअ and with अ for ह वाण्या obl. etc. Similarly मौक्तिक is मोत्तिअ where with gen. अ we have M. मोत्या; पाणी is पानीअ and thence पाण्या. S. हारी is Skr. हालिक, Pr. हालिअ which is the S. obl. form, since the effect of two अ coming together is in this language to prevent the usual elision and form one strong अ. We thus see that most Mar. & S. masc. nouns in इ & M. neuter nouns in इ are derived from Pr. nouns having a final अ representing Skr. क or any other syllable. In the same way Skr. लड्डुक is Pr. लड्डुअ thence लाडुअ and with the gen. अ for ह लाडवा the M. obl.; so also M. भाउ must be Pr. भाउअ, Skr. भ्रातृक; M. नातु, Pr. नत्तुअ, Skr. नप्तृक, in order that with the gen. अ they may yield भावा or नातवा. Neuter गड्डूं is गड्डुअ, Skr. गड्डुक and hence by the combination of गड्डुअ + अ we have गड्डवा or गळवा. S. माण्हु must have been मानुह from मानुष and the aspiration being transferred to न we have माणुअ which is the obl. form. Thus then those M. & S. masc. nouns in उ and M. neuter nouns in ऊ which take this oblique form were Pr. nouns in अ representing a Skr. syllable ending in अ, mostly क. Now these vernacular nouns in इ or ई and उ or ऊ which in Skr. have not a syllable like त or क at the end must have the क attached to them in the Pr. and Apbhr., as we have seen it was, to nouns in अ which on that account have become nouns in ओ or आ in the modern languages. Those fem. nouns in अ that have इ and ई for their sâmânyarûpa terminations must be Skr. & Pr. nouns in ई, as they are as a matter of fact; as केळ is Pr. केली or कयली, Skr. कदली; भिंत is Pr. and Skr. भित्ति; पारध, Skr. पारर्द्धि, Pr. पारधी; बहिण, Skr. भगिनी, Pr. बहिणी; बांव, Skr. वापी, Pr. बावी; and a good many modern Tadbhavas such as रीत, गत, विभूत from रीति, गति, विभूति etc.; others that end in ई and take these terminations were also originally nouns in इ or ई as भुई, Skr. भूमि and others. Some masc. nouns in ई which form their obl. in this way must also be derived from corresponding nouns in ई as हत्ती is from the Skr. and Pr. Nom. sing. हत्ती. And modern Tatsamas in इ or ई of course can only take this form. Similarly those nouns that form their oblique by taking ऊ and ऊं must be originally nouns in उ or ऊ. Modern Tatsamas ending in these vowels also take these forms.

c11.53

The fifth form has already been traced to the Pr. gen. of fem. nouns in आ whence those nouns that take the form in M. must have been originally nouns ending in that vowel. Thus जीभ, Pr. जिम्भा, Skr. जिह्वा; भाक—Skr. भाषा (mod. Tad.); माळ—माला—माला; भीक—भिक्खा—भिक्षा; नीज or नीद—निद्वा—निद्रा; सांज—संज्झा—संध्या; सेज—सेज्जा—शय्या etc. All modern fem. Tatsamas in आ are inflected in this way. From the fact that fem. nouns in ई take आं for the pl. obl. it would appear that they were originally nouns in आ. घोडी we know must have been Skr. घोटिका since the masc. is घोटक. Its gen. pl. in Pr. therefore was घोडिआअं whence we have घोड्यां but the sing. obl. घोडी which is the same as the nominative is not formed as it should be according to our theory. But, as observed before, the Goan. and Mâl. have faithfully preserved the old tradition here though the ordinary M. has lost it and in this instance applies the case terminations to the Nom. and not to special obl. form as the other languages do to a much greater extent. The Goan. and Mâl. sâmânyarûpa of घोडी is घोड्ये from Pr. gen. घोडिआइ the last two vowels combining into ए and the इ and ए into ये. Other instances are साडी Skr. शाटिका, वाडी-वाटिका, नळी-नलिका, कळी-कलिका, माशी-मक्षिका, माती-मृत्तिका, मुदी-मुद्रिका, the sing. obl. of which in the Goan. and Mâl. are साड्ये, वाड्ये, नळ्ये etc. Similarly those fem. nouns that take this type of the obl. must have been nouns in आ representing such a syllable as का. Thus M. वाळू is Pr. वाळुआ, Skr. वालुका, and वाळुआ with the इ or ए of the gen. sing. is वाळवे and with आं of the pl. वाळवांस; also जळू-जळोआ or जळुआ-जळौका; ऊ a louse Skr. यूका, सासू-श्वश्रूका. The last and also वाळू have also the obl. form in ऊ and ऊं. Several other nouns also masc. and fem. ending in ई and ऊ have the ई and ऊ form of the obl. as well as the आ or ए and आं form. This arises from the practice of adding क or का optionally in the Pr., just as there are some nouns which, as we have seen, end both in अ and आ. In this way the several types of the M. sâmânyarûpa arose from different sets of Pr. nouns, but it is not meant that all those nouns that in the present state of the languages take one or other of those types were derived from the corresponding Prâkṛit set. After the forms came into use words from foreign languages for instance were introduced which can not of course be traced to the Prâkṛit and those were assigned to some one form according to the gender in the first place and then to fancy or accident; there is no reason why दौलत should be दौलती for its oblique and not दौलते or फौज फौजे and not फौजी; the tradition with regard to some Pr. nouns also must have been forgotten and then they also have been in the condition of these foreign nouns and must have been treated likewise and to a certain extent oblivion is the reason why we have two forms in the case of some nouns and no other.

c11.54

This then is clearly the origin of the oblique forms; and all the facts especially in the Marâṭhî language harmonize so completely with it that there can be no doubt whatever as to its truth. And no other case than the gen. would have served the purpose of reconstruction. When a language is in an early stage of growth and case forms such as the loc. sing. are made up by joining two words such as देव ‘a shining being’ and इ this or here, imagination is wanted to connect the here or this with the shining being i. e. in the place of the shining being. But when a language has got the means of expressing the relation denoted by of it is necessary that it should be used in connection with the new post-position otherwise the sense would be incomplete. And thus in Skr., Pr. and the modern languages all such postpositions are appended to the gen. case. The gen. forms of nouns as they were in the Prâkṛits and the Apabhramś'a have descended to the Marâṭhî only somewhat phonetically altered, while the principal change that the nouns or crude forms have undergone is the loss of final अ or आ answering to such Skr. syllable as त, क or का when preceded by a dissimilar vowel i. e. इ or उ; while the other languages have in most instances taken this mutilated crude or nom. form as the base for all oblique cases, the M. confines it to its own place and uses the old gen. everywhere and without exception if we take the minor dialects also into consideration. The other languages have of course, as has been shown, preserved this gen. in some cases and of them all the S. in the largest number of instances. Some such as the H. and P. have generalized the pl. form of one set of nouns and use it for all. The M. cases are thus more difficult to the learner than those of the other languages but that is a matter with which we are not concerned here.

c11.55

We will now proceed to the consideration of the new terminations. These have not necessarily sprung up from independent words. We have seen that the old terminations such as the न of the instr. have been detached and consitituted into postpositions. But the most common method the vernaculars have resorted to is to attach the case forms of certain words to the gen. of the nouns. The acc. and dat. terminations in the verious dialects are these: H. तई, कों, Braj कौं, B. के-तै, O. कु, S. खे-ते, P. नूं, ताईं, G. ने, M. स—ला and तें is used in poetry. Of these स has been discussed. The Mâl. and Goan. have कि for pronouns and the former क for nouns and the latter कनां. Khândes'î has ले, P. has ताईं also for नू. Old Bengali has also a dative in रे.

c11.56

वैदभींरे हंस कहे मनुष्यवचने Mah. Nalop. I.

c11.57

The swan said to Vaidarbhî with human speech.’

c11.58

Here we see a good many languages have the termination with an initial क. What is its origin? Dr. Caldwell traces it to the Dravidian कु. But in our whole investigation we have not yet met a Dravidian influence in the grammar of our languages. Dr. Trump derives the S. खे and B. के from कृते. The last may not unlikely have been derived from it but the aspiration of the S. खे is not accounted for. Trump attributes it to the vowel ऋ; but we have seen that in the old Pr. this goes out leaving nothing but अ, इ, or उ i. e. the consonantal portion of it which is subordinated to the vowel portion leaves no trace. There is no other instance in which ऋ is known to exert such an influence. The Hindî कौं he also derives from कृत and not कृते. But here the anusvâra is not accounted for and is regarded as inorganic. Besides, as Mr. Beames remarks, कृत is not a word likely to yield the sense of a dative. It is never used in Skr. or Pr. as equivalent to कृते. To be able to arrive at the probable or correct etymology of any of these terminations it is necessary to collect and compare any more ancient forms of it that may possibly be found. Now there are such forms in the case of the H. कौं and the Braj कौं. The old H. poets often use कहं, कहुं and even काहुं: for instance in Tulsidas's Râmâyan we have

c11.59

भानु कृशानु सर्व रस खाहीं। तिन कहं मंद कहत कोउ नाहीं॥
'The sun and fire swallow all liquids. Nobody calls them stupid.'
काम जारि रतिकहं वर दीन्हा। कृपासिंधु यह अतिभल कीन्हा॥
'He burned Kâma but gave a boon to Rati; this was an excellent act done by the ocean of mercy.'
कपिन्ह सहित विप्रन कहुं दान विविध विधि दीन्हा॥
'He gave various gifts to the monkeys and the Brahmans'.
आसन उचित दये सब काहू। कहौं कहा सुख एक उच्छाहू॥
'Proper seats were given to all; my mouth is one, how shall I relate the festivities?'
कैकई कहुं पुनि मिले मनकर छोभ न जाइ।
'Met Kaikayî again, but the agitation of the heart did not subside!'

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Now we have seen that often in the modern languages the ह of older words is dropped; and thus from कहं we have कउं and then को or कौं by the usual rule that we have noticed in going over the vowel changes. From कहं the Mâlvaṇî and Goan. कां is derived. The कहं and कहुं are also traced to कृत by Dr. Trump. But Mr. Beames derives them from कक्ष 'armpit, side' which becomes काख and then काह and the anusvâra he traces to the accusative and thus supposes कक्ष to be the original of कौं. कक्ष is preserved in the modern languages in the form of काख but the further change of ख to ह in the suffix he accounts for by considering it to be a later Tadbhava. And corresponding to these two forms he says we have the two forms of स्थान in the ordinary word थान H. ‘a place’ and in the ह of कहां, जहां. I have no hesitation in saying that Mr. Beames is altogether wrong in deriving कहां, जहां etc. and further on तईं or ताईं from किंस्थान, यत्स्थान, तत्स्थान etc. Such new expressions in the face of the many good old words existing in Skr. and Pr. could not have come in ordinary vernacular use. The B. एथाय, ओथाय, कोथाय etc., which have led Mr. Beames to this etymology are manifestly new combinations of ए and थाय, ओ and थाय, को and थाय like the barbarous compounds एखावे, सेखावे of Skr. and foreign words derived by the Bengali in its poverty of the old Tadbhava element. Neither should we derive the M. एथें and later एथें from एतत्स्थान in the face of the Pr. एत्थ from Skr. अत्र or इत्र which we find everywhere in Pr. works. Now as regards काख, in addition to the objection which Mr. Beames has not succeeded in answering, it is to be observed that the word is found nowhere used in that sense in old H., G. or M. literature and, that it might be the original of the dat. case-affix in nearly all the languages, it is necessary that it should have been used extensively in Skr. or Pr. or in old literature of the modern languages.

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One chief and important source of the modern case affixes has been overlooked by all those who have written on vernacular philology. The words most fitted to express case relations are the pronouns and the old Aryan case endings have properly been traced by comparative philologists to pronominal roots. Even in the vernacular speech of the day we use pronominal expressions when a simply general sense is wanted as मी गोविंदाचे एथें गेलों होतों ‘I went to (lit.) the here of Govinda’ i. e. to Govind’s place. मैनें आपके यहां सेवकको भेजा था ‘I sent my servant to your here’ i. e. your place. हुं मुरलीधरने तहां गयो हतो ‘I went to Murlidhar’s there’ i. e. place. These एथें, यहां and तहां are really remnants of the old Pr. locatives of इदम् (in the forms इ or अ) and तद्. If these were more extensively used they would in the course of time become terminations; and तईं for तहिं the Pr. and Apbhr. loc. of तद् has become a termination in H. as मैं शहरके तईं गया ‘I went to the there of the town’; उसके तईं ‘to him or for him.’ In the Apabhrams’a according to Hemachandra केहिं and तेहिं were used as postpositions in the sense of ‘for’, ‘on account of’ as in the verses formerly given हउं झिज्जउं तउ केहिं पिअ &c. These, as they are, appear like instrumental plurals of the pronouns किम् and तद् and they may be so really. The instr. and abl. may pass into the dat. and this into either. For of the several relations denoted by the first two cases one is that between a cause and its effect or reason and conclusion and a confusion between an antecedent cause or reason and the final cause or purpose is natural. This last is generally indicated by the dat. case. Even the English preposition for has these two senses. In the sentence, ‘I bought the book for my own use’, it signifies the purpose; and in such a one as ‘for this, let people beware’ it denotes an antecedent reason. In the same way साठीं or करितां are in M. used in both these senses. In त्याच्यासाठीं मी इतका श्रम केला ‘I took so much trouble for him’ it has a dative sense and in ह्यासाठीं अशी गोष्ट कधीं करूं नये ‘for this, such a thing should never be done’ it has an ablative sense. This fact must be borne in mind as we go on discussing the origin of the case forms. केहिं and तेहिं therefore may be instrumentals. This explanation is supported by the fact that another Apbhr. postposition in the sense of ‘for’ or ‘on account of’ given by Hemachandra is तणेण which is evidently the sing. instr. of तण a possessive suffix to be hereafter mentioned. The pl. case forms may become adverbs or postpositions as the Skr. शनैः ‘slowly,’ नीचैः and उच्चैः ‘low’ and ‘high’ which must originally have been instr. plurals. Another explanation of these forms is that they are derived from the Pr. gen. plurals केसिं and तेसिं the स being changed to ह. The gen. has all along been used in the sense of the dat. In Skr. itself it is often so and in the Pr. it drove out the old dat. altogether and was used instead. In old M. poetry the obl. form, which we have traced to the Pr. gen., is often used for this case or, since in the Apbhr. nouns the termination हिं was used for loc. pl. also, the forms केहिं and तेहिं are not unlikely to be referred to that case. The loc. is another case which can readily be adapted to express a dat. acc. sense. Tulsidasa frequently adds हिं to nouns to form this case. Thus—

c11.62

रुद्रहिं देखि मदन भयमाना ।
‘The god of love was afraid when he saw Rudra.’
रामहिं सौपिय जानकी नाइ कमल पदमाथ ।
सुत कहूं राज समर्पि वन जाइ भजिय रघुनाथ ॥
‘Having restored Jânakî to Râma and bowing your head at his lotus feet and giving the kingdom to your son go to a forest and adore Raghunâtha.’

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That these several cases may pass into the dat. acc. is also proved by the fact that the forms of the Apabhrams'a gerund or infinitive of purpose, which has essentially a dative sense, are derived from them. Thus Hemachandra gives these terminations of the infinitive: एवम् as in देवम् ‘for giving’ which is an acc. of the pot. part. देअव्म्, अण as in करण ‘for doing’ in which the case termination is dropped., अणहम् as in भंजणहं ‘for breaking’ which is the gen. pl. of भंजन and अणहिं as in भुंजणहिं ‘for enjoying’ which is loc. sing. or pl. of भुंजण Pr. for Skr. भोजन. Thus then in the Apabhrams’a pronominal forms had begun to be used as postpositions for expressing case relations. It is not unreasonable, therefore, to expect that we should find traces of the practice in our modern case forms and the forms themselves that were used in that dialect.

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The Apabhrams’a dat. postposition केहिं survives in the S. खे the aspiration is thrown on के so to make it खे and the vowel is dropped. We have already seen several instances of this process but I will add one or two more to the point. The Pr. कहिं ‘where’ is in the Goan. and Mâl. खंय, तहिं ‘there’ थंय, अहिं ‘here’ हंय. Often the old ह is dropped in the moderns and thus we have from केहिं the B. के. The old H. termination कहं is the Pr. कहिं ‘where,’ so that originally the sense of राम कहं was ‘Râma’s somewhere.’ ‘Send to Râma’s somewhere’ and ‘give it to Râma’s somewhere’ came afterwards to mean ‘send it to Râma’ and ‘give it to Râma.’ The इ of the loc. कहिं is here dropped as is mostly the case in the pronominal locatives which in the modern languages as well as the Prâkrit have become adverbs of place; such are जहिं relative ‘where’, तहिं ‘there’, अहिं ‘here’, and कहिं ‘where’ interrogative which have become जहां, तहां, यहां and कहां and in Tulsidas जहं तहं and कहं. Sometimes the इ is preserved in the current speech as in कहां or कहीं H., अही, यहां G. The other dat. termination कहुं, the origin of कूँ or कों, is either the ablative or genitive form of किम् since हुं was in Apbhr. the termination of both these cases. The O. कुं is another form of this कहुं. The M. तें is from the Apbhr. तहिं as के from केहिं. The B. has this affix also used principally in the case of inanimate creatures.

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धुयां ते गन्ध आछे ओ ताहाते चक्षुते वेदना होय । ‘There is smell to smoke and from that harm to the eye results.’ तहाते सिंह कहिल । ‘The lion said to him.’ The S. has it also. सोहल्यो शिकारते ‘He went for hunting.’ विभो मुस फरिरते ‘went on a travel,’

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The P. ताइ like the H. तई is from तहिं ‘there.’

c11.67.1

The M. ला is to be connected with similar terminations in its own dialects and the other languages. Khândeshî has ले, H. possesses a postposition लाय or लिये, P. लई, S. लाइ all in the sense of ‘for’, Braja लों or लों ‘up to.’ The old H. poets have also लै or लाई in the sense of the M. लां i. e. ‘to’ or ‘at:’ बारहिं बार पांवलै पदहीं ‘again and again they fall at her feet;’ हरखि उठाय लिये उरलाई ‘joyfully he arose and pressed him to his bosom.’ Then there are other forms in all the languages from लग. Goan. has लगीं in the sense of ‘to’ or ‘with,’ as माझे लागीं डलय ‘speak to or with me.’ H. लग ‘up to;’ P. लग ‘near, to;’ लागों ‘from contact with;’ S. लगी-लगे ‘on account of;’ B. लागिं-लागिया-लागे ‘for, on account of.’ In G. and H. poetry लागीं, लगी or लागि are used in these senses and M. has लागून or लागूनि also. All these forms are derived from the old Skr. root लग to adhere or stick. The past pass. part. of this is लग्न, Pr. लग्ग. This, like many similar participles, is made the base of verbal forms in Pr. and we have लग्गइ=लग्गो भवति ‘adheres, sticks.’ From this we have लागणें-वुं-व M. G. B. by the usual rules, but S. generally and H. sometimes do not lengthen the preceding vowel when one of the two consonants is dropped and we have लगण and लगना, though लागना is also used in the latter.

c11.67.2

There is another form लागयति of this root which is made up according to the 10th Conjugation or which is properly the causal and, when the termination is dropped as is often the case, we have लागई and by the elision of ग the root becomes लाअ and thence, by the usual introduction of य or व, लाय or लाव. Now लायणा exists in the Goan. and लाइणु in the S. while M. has लावणे. These mean ‘to make to adhere,’ ‘apply,’ ‘bring in contact.’ From लागणें and लायणा or लावणे all the forms we have above noticed have originated. लई, लै, लागी, लागिया are absolutives as also M. लागोनि, while the other M. form लागीं is the loc. sing. of the noun लाग ‘contact’ or ‘nearness.’ The Braj. लों must be from the old Apbhr. absol. लाउं of लाअ. The M. dat. ला must be from such a form as लाउं ‘having applied’ or ‘for applying,’ since the final उ of terminations is dropped in this language as in जिभा ‘tongues’ from जिभाउ. The dative pl. termination नी represents an euphonic change of ली necessitated by the preceding anusvâra. Instances of this change of ल to न have been given in a previous lecture. Chit. has both ना and न्ला. This ना is by some traced to the णं of the Pr. gen. pl. as स to the स्स of the gen. sing. The Chit. however has ना or न्ला in the pl. while ला alone is the sing. termination and the sameness of the sing. and pl. terminations is the great peculiarity of the modern dialect, whence the Chit. ना is a form of ला and if so then it must be so in the standard Marâṭhî also. Mr.

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Beames thinks the G. ने to be originally ले and thus to belong to the class of terminations we have just examined, the ल being changed to न. I am not satisfied with this derivation as there is no corroborative evidence, though the change of ल to न is not impossible or unexampled. The gen. termination नो-नी-नुं in this language is derived from the old Apabhramṣa termination तण, by the elision of the initial त, as will be hereafter shown. In the same manner the नें of the acc. dat. must have been derived from the Apabhr. dat. postposition तणेण, which, as I have already observed, is the instr. of तण. The last ण of this is changed to an anusvâra, as that of देवेण is, and, just as this becomes देवें, तणेण becomes तणें and by the loss of त, नें. Or the process which in the Apabhr. led to the formation of तणेण from तण may have been resorted to when तण became न in the G. and thus नें is the instrumental or locative of the gen. न or its obl. form. But the anusvâra of नें which is lost in the G. instr. would show that it is derived directly from तणेण. P. हुं may likewise be referred to a form तणहुं the obl. of तण. In H. the termination से is applied in a dative sense to nouns governed by verbs denoting speaking राजानें ब्राह्मणसे कहा ‘The king spoke to the Brahman.’ It is used in the sense of the instr.: तरवारसे सीर काटा ‘He cut off his head with a sword,’ रुक्मिनीका विवाह श्रीकृष्णचन्दसे हुआ ‘Rukmini’s marriage with S’rî Krishnachanda took place;’ and in that of the abl.

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इतना वचन ब्राह्मणके मुखसे निकला ‘these words fell from the mouth of the Brahman.’ In Braja we have सों for से as कबीरजी आयकै मोसों कह्यौ ‘Kabir came and said to me’; गुरुसों पूछि लेइ ‘He should get it explained from the guru.’ In old H. also it is used in the form of सौं. In old M., as I have already remarked, we have सी in the sense of the modern dat. acc. स as:—

c11.68

सारथी शार्ङ्गधर । अर्जुनेसी ॥
Jñân. 1—141.
‘S’ârṅgadhara was charioteer to Arjuna.’
पंवाडा तुवां केला गंधर्वासी ॥
II—10.
‘Thou hast made a song for Gandharvas.’
जे नेदी देवकी यशोदेसी ।
ते गति दीधली पूतनेसी ॥

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समान देणें अरिमित्रांसी । उदारतेसीं काय वर्णू ॥ Rukmiṇî Svayaṃvara I—82.

c11.70

“He gave that salvation to Pûtanâ which he did not give to Yas'odâ and Devakî. His gifts to friends and foes are alike. How shall I describe his bounty?”

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परी कवणेभीं म्यां झुंजावें । हे रणीं लागे पाहावें ॥ Jñân. I—171.

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‘It is necessary in the battlefield to see with whom I should fight.’

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अर्जुन असे पाहत । तो दळभार समस्त । संभ्रमेसीं ॥ Jñân. I—176.

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‘Arjuna was looking at the whole force with an agitated heart.’

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आणि परलोकही अंतरेल । ऐहिकेसीं ॥ Jñân. II—27.

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‘And the interests of the future life will be lost along with those of this!’

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In these three examples सीं has the sense of an instrumental. We do not now use it in the sense in which it is used in the last two passages and say संभ्रमानें पाहत and ऐहिकासहित अंतरेल. In the Salsette dialect, however, सीं has these senses and also that of an abl. as गांवसीं आयलो ‘He came from the village.’

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Now we see that the old M. poets do not make a distinction between the सीं, which corresponds to our modern स, and that which even now we use in the sense of with. They also use it in other senses in which it is used in H., but not in the M. of the day. The Salsette dialect, however, agrees with the H. in its use of this affix. H. uses से in one case उससे कहा in which we use स as त्यास सांगितलें. Some of these circumstances favour the supposition that the origin of the M. dative affix स is the same as that of H. से and M. सीं. G. poetry has this in the form of सुं or स्यूं as गुजरातिस्यूं मांडिसि कलहु ‘Declare war with Gujarati.’ S. has सें and सीं in the sense of with.

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All these are derived from the word सम. As is usual, म is in the modern vernaculars changed to वं and thus we have सवं and with the instr. affix ए we have the सवें of the M. poets. I have in a former lecture given a great many instances in which व is dissolved into उ, which combines with the preceding vowel into औ. We thus get the old H. सौं and the Braja सौं when अ and उ form ओ, while in G. the resulting vowel is उ in सुं. Another change of म that we have noticed is its loss of the labial element and reduction to a vowel and anusvâra, wherefore the word becomes सं or सयं. Thence the अय passes off into ए, as we have several times noticed, and so we have सै which with the anusvâra dropped is the H. से. The य is sometimes, as we have seen, changed to ई as in राइ from राअ-राय, and so we have the M. सीं. Sometimes य does not take the place of the elided consonant and the vowels are combined, whence we have the S. आई. Now the original sense of this word is with, but this with expresses many relations, the differences between which become wider in the course of time and thus the word सम has come to signify ‘to, according to, with (as an instrument) and from.’

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The instr. termination ने sing. नीं pl. M., ने H., ने P. have been traced by Mr. Beames to ले or लै, which are forms of लागि or लइ etc. derived from the root लग. One great objection is that this derivation does not account for the anusvâra of ने or नैं. His argument is that the old एन of the instr. having been reduced to ं there was no other instrumental case to furnish the न of the modern instr. ने-नीं, but in the Apabhr. according to Hemachandra both these forms existed and the instance he gives is

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जै महु दिण्णा दिअहडा दइएं पवसन्तेण ।
ताण गणन्ति ए अंगुलिउ जज्जरि आउ नहेण ॥

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‘By counting (again and again) [the number of] days which were mentioned to me by my beloved when he set out on his travels [the skin of] my fingers has worn away by the nail.’ Here दइएं, पवसन्तेण and नहेण are instances of the instrumental. The first two expressive of the agent in the passive construction and the third of the simple instrument; so that the ण or ण of the instrumental must have descended to the vernaculars. Again Mr. Beames says that the old H. poets do not use the instr. in ने; but the oldest M. poet Jñânes'vara does use it in some cases. His agent instrumental is very often that which ends in ई, but instances of the use of नि, which is another form of ने, also occur.

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As:—

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की वारेनि जातं आहे। Jñân. 13—197.

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‘Or whether he is going away by the wind.’ दिसे वारेनि जैसे जाइल्ल । Jñân. 13—214.

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‘Appears as if it will go away by the wind.’ मुकेनि घेतले मौन जैसे । Jñân. 13—280.

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‘As the dumb may be said to have assumed silence deliberately.’ उन्हाळेनि तापे । हिमवंती न कांपे ॥ कायसेनिही न वासि ग्रे । पातलया ॥ Jñân. 13—347.

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‘He is not oppressed by heat or does not shiver by cold and is not terrified by anything that takes place.’

c11.89

Here are instances of the instr. both indicative of the agent and of the simple instrument, but the termination is नि instead of नें. Besides these there are instances of the instrumental in ऍ of pronouns as येणें मानें Jñân. 13—200 ‘By this standard,’ जेणें तोषें 13—244 ‘By which satisfaction,’ तेणें प्रसादें 18—1147 ‘By that grace.’ Now I have stated my view in the last lecture that नें is a double instrumental, the first part being न of the old instrumental in एन or एण and the second part ऍ, to which that एण is reduced. Now instead of ऍ, the instr. ई is added here. The instr. ई represents the इण of the Apabhr. instr. in इण, which we have in such forms as पुत्तिण mentioned by Pischel. Hindi poets as a rule indicate the agent instrumental the oblique form but Sûrdâs uses the form ending in नि or नें also.

Cites (16)

Jñāneśvarī — Jñāneśvara, Marathi
Śārṅgadharasaṃhitā — Śārṅgadhara (physician), Sanskrit
Yājñavalkyasmṛti — Yājñavalkya, Sanskrit
Bhaginisutta — Pāli
Rāma — Sanskrit
Sthāna
Sūrsāgar — Sūrdās 1520, Braj Bhāṣā
Saṃdhyā
Karaṇa
Dāna
Dēva
Kālikā — Bhaṭṭaśrī Bhavanutacūḍa, Sanskrit
Pañcatantra (Durgasiṃha) — Durgasiṃha (Kannada), Kannada
Mālatīmādhava — Bhavabhūti, Sanskrit
Svargārohaṇ — Ratneśvar 1666, Gujarati
Rudrajapa — Nārāyaṇa, Sanskrit

Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Derived Languages c11: Lecture VI

Contents

Lecture VI

Cites (16)