A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India v3.c19: Chapter VI
A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India v3.c19
- Language
- English
Chapter VI
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CONTENTS.—§ 80. ADVERBS NOMINAL AND PRONOMINAL.—§ 81. PRONOMINAL ADVERBS OF TIME, PLACE, AND MANNER.—§ 82. ADVERBS DERIVED FROM NOUNS AND VERBS.—§ 83. CONJUNCTIONS.—§ 84. INTERJECTIONS.—§ 85. POSTPOSITIONS.—§ 86. CONCLUSION.
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§ 80. THE seven languages are rich in adverbs, and have a specially symmetrical range of pronominal adverbs, corresponding to the several classes of pronouns. The forms were given in Vol. II. pp. 336-38, in order to show their analogy to the pronouns, but nothing was said in that place about their origin; it will now be necessary to consider them more closely. The pronominal adverbs may be at once assumed to have sprung from the pronouns to which they respectively correspond, by the incorporation of some noun indicative of time, place, manner, and the like. On the other hand, the adverbs which have no pronominal meaning are clearly derived from various cases of nouns, whether substantives or adjectives. Participles, also, in virtue of their seminominal character, are used adverbially, either in their original form, or with certain modifications. Adverbs, therefore, may be divided into two classes, nominal and pronominal, with reference to their origin, and into three general categories of time, place, and manner, with reference to their meaning. To these must be added adverbs of confirmation and negation, and certain little helping words which are more adverbial in their nature than anything else. It is also to be noted that, while on the one hand simple nouns are often used adverbially, on the other hand, adverbs are
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capable of being used as nouns with postpositions after them, as in H. तब की बात, lit. “the word of then,” i.e. “the matter that took place then,” अब के नाजा लोग “the kings of now,” i.e. “those of the present day.”
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§ 81. (1). Pronominal adverbs of time.—The near demonstrative is H. अब, G. हवे, M. व्हळां, O. एबे. All these hang together, and are apparently compounds of the Skr. वेला “time,” with the type of the demonstrative अ, इ, or ए. The fuller form in O. shows this, it is एते बेळे, which is clearly the locative case of a masculine बेल, literally, “in so much time.” G. has prefixed a ह, but many words in G. may be indifferently written with ह or अ; there is, therefore, nothing organic about this letter when met with in this connection. In M. व्हळां also the ह seems to be somewhat anomalous. There are also, however, many other forms for “now” in the various languages, which appear to be unconnected with वेला.
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Hindi is mostly, however, faithful to the type in ब; thus in Braj अबै, Marwari अमै, and still more clearly Bhojpuri एबेर, which approaches to the O. एबे. The same type runs through all the pronominal forms, as जब “whenever,” तब “then,” कब “when.” Bhojpuri जेबेर, तेबेर, केबेर, Braj जबै, तबै, कबै. The Skr. forms यदा, तदा, कदा appear in H. जद, तद, कद, and in the dialectic forms, जदै, जदी, जदू, जदां, जयां; as also तदै, etc., कदै, etc.; the forms with the palatal and labial vowels have, I think, arisen from the incorporation of the affirmative particle ही or हू “indeed,” of which more further on.
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Panjabi हूण, G. S. हाणे, B. एखन, and a dialectic form in O. उकुण, all meaning “now,” are to be referred, as the B. form clearly shows, to the Skr. क्षण “instant, moment.” For the rest of the series P. has जद, तद, कद. S., however, has another type हिंअर, हेर “now,” in which we may, perhaps, see the Skr. काल “time,” combined with the pronoun हिं “this;”
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for the other members of the series it has जडिहीं “whenever,” तडिहीं “then,” कडहीं “when?” which arise from the Skr. यदा, etc., with the emphatic हीं, which has changed the preceding vowel into the i which is so common in S. They also write कडीं and कडहें as dialectic variations; also जां, तां (but not कां), where the द of यदा has suffered elision.
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G. has, besides हवे, also हव्णां, हवडां, and for the rest जेवारे, तेवारे, केवारे, commonly contracted into ज्यारे, etc., in which we see the Skr. वार “time.” Owing to the G. peculiarity in respect of initial ह, we have also अव्णां, and with a modernized form of Skr. अत्र “here,” अत्यारे (अत्र वारे) “at this time,” “now.”
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M. is consistent throughout एव्हां, जेव्हां, तेव्हां, केव्हां. In Old-M. forms जेधवां, etc., occur, showing that the modern व्ह vh is an inversion from ह्व hv. The suggested origin from Skr. कदा, by aspirating the द and adding आं, the termination of the locative (Godbol, p. 75), is unsatisfactory. M. has also a series जंव, etc., meaning “while,” “as long as,” which recalls H. जब with inorganic anunâsika.
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O. has the fuller forms, जेते बेळे, etc., and जेबे explained above; the former is quite as frequently used as the latter, if not more so. “Time is made for slaves,” and not for Oriyas.
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B. जखन, तखन, etc., uniformly, pronounced jökhön or jökhönö, etc. H. adds constantly ही for emphasis, as अभी “now” (अबही), कभी “sometimes” (कबही), and with the negative कभी नहीं “never.”
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For the indefinite pronominal adverb “ever,” “sometimes,” the other languages have, P. कदी (कदीही), कदों, कदे, S. कडहीं, G. कदी, M. कधीं, B. कखन, O. केबे, केबेहिं. All these are repeated to signify “sometimes,” as P. कदी कदी, M. कधीं कधीं.
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The above express definite or quiescent time; for progressive time, whether past, as “since,” or future “until,” the adverbs above given are used as nouns with case-affixes. Thus H. अब से “from now,” “henceforth,” तब से “thenceforth,” कब से “since when?” जब से “from the time when,” or with the older affix ते in the poets, as in जब तें राम ब्याहि घर आये। “From the time when Ram married and came home” (Tulsi-Rám, Ay-k. 5), P. जदों, S. जड़िहाको, जड़िहोको, जड़िहाकर; where को is probably a shortened form of कर, an oblique from कहु, which we may connect with काल “time,” as in हिंअर “now.” The long â or o of jaḍihâ, jaḍiho, as contrasted with the î of जड़िही, seems to indicate an oblique form. G. हम्माण्यों “henceforth,” अत्यार्यों, and apparently also ज्यार्यों, and the rest of the series. They also say अत्यार पछी “henceforth.” M. uses मग or मांगें, which are not pronominal. Neither B. nor O. have special forms for this idea.
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To express “until” in Old-H. लगि, लौं, लौ, in modern H. लग, तलक, and तक, are affixed to the pronominal adverb, as in Chand—
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तब लगि कष्ट दरिद्र तन ॥
तब लगि लघु मुहि गात ॥
जब लगि हौं आयौ नहीं ॥
तो पाइ न सेवात ॥
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“Till then, pain and poverty of body, Till then, my limbs were light (i.e. mean), So long as I came not to thee, And worshipped not at thy feet.—Pr.-R. i. 276.
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Here, as always in H., the negative has to be inserted, and we must translate जब लगि by “so long as.” This idiom is not peculiar to H., but is found in many other languages. In modern Hindi जब तक राम घर को नहीं आवे “So long as Râm comes not home,” i.e. “until he comes,” and the same in P.
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S. has हेसीं or एसींताईं “up to this time,” ओसीं or होसींताई “up to that time,” where ताईं, as explained in Vol. II. p. 298, is Skr. स्थाने, which, from meaning “in the place,” has grown to mean “up to.” सीं, I suppose, is a contraction of समय “time.”
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(2). Pronominal adverbs of place.—See list in Vol. II. p. 336.
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The Hindi series यहां, वहां, जहां, तहां, कहां, is composed of the pronominal bases with ह्, which we are justified in referring to Skr. स्थाने; thus तहां = तत्स्थाने. The dental is preserved in several dialectic forms (Kellogg, p. 265), as Marwari अठै, अठो, ईठै “here,” उठै, etc., “there,” Avadhi एठियां, ओठियां, Bhojpuri एठां, एठाईं. But the Braj इतै, इत, is, I think, by Kellogg rightly referred to the Skr. series अत्र, तत्र, etc. The Bundelkhandi यात्री is probably only another way of pronouncing याईं, as we find in Old-Bengali such words as खसात्रि for खसाईं (modern खसाइया). To sthâne, also, are to be ascribed the P. forms इत्ये, उत्त्ये, etc. S. has not only इति, जिति, etc., which may come from अत्र, यत्र, but इत्ये, which agrees with P., and हिते, which is, I suspect, like हिकिडो “one,” an instance of a ह being put on to the front of a word without any etymological cause.
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G. has various forms आंहों, आहां, हहों, अहीआं “here,” and the same variety through all the series. The adverbial part agrees with H. Shortened forms ज्यां, त्यां, क्यां, and even जां, तां, कां, are also in use.
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M. agrees closely with P. and S. in its series येथें, जेथें, etc., where the final anuswâra, like that of Bhojpuri एठाईं, preserves the n of sthâne. But कोठें “where,” has the cerebral.
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O. having first made sthâna into ठा, proceeds with the declension through its own affixes, and has thus a modern locative ठारे, in एठारे, सेठारे. The final रे is often dropped, and एठा, सेठा, or even shortened एठ, सेठ are used. B. uses खाने, which seems to come from स्थाने on the analogy of खंभो = स्तंभ (Var. iii. 14) and खाणु = स्थानु (ib. iii. 15). For “where,” however, it has a more regular form कोथा, in older Bengali कोथाय, as तार मत सन्यासिनी पाइब कोथाय “Where shall I find a female saint like her?” (Bharat, Bidyá-S. 399), where the final य for ए is a relic of the e of sthâne. We also find हेया and हेथाय “here,” etc.
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In the case of the adverbs of this group, as in those of time, the case-affixes are used, as H. कहां से “from where?” “whence?” G. आहां थी “hence,” P. कित्यों “whence?” But this practice is only in force to imply motion from a place. To express motion towards a place a separate set is used.
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In classical H. the adverbial element is धर, as इधर “hither,” उधर “thither.” The dialectic forms are very various. Bhojpuri has एम्हर, उम्हर, as also एने, उने, etc.; in eastern Behar one hears एम्हर, हेम्हर, and many others. Kellogg quotes also a curious form from Rîwâ एहै कैत, एहै कयोत, or एहै मुंह. If we take the original of all these forms to be धर, that is a word of many meanings both in Skr. and H.; but I am disposed to connect the series with M. म्होर “face,” G. मोहडुं id., a diminutive from Skr. मुख, so that the older adverbial element would be म्हर्, as in Bhojpuri, whence न्ह, which would, by a natural process, glide into न्हर and धर. For the Rîwâ form I can suggest no origin.
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The S. and M. forms seem to be connected, and with them I would associate the common O. expressions ए आड़े “in this direction,” “hither” (ओ आड़े, को आड़े, etc.), which are locatives, and ए आडु, etc., “from this place,” “hence,” which are ablatives. The Sindhi adverb, as usual in that language, is written in a dozen ways, but the simplest form is उड़े “hither,” and उड़ी “hence,” which, like O., are respectively locative and ablative. Marathi has what is apparently a fuller form इकडे “hither,” locative, where the adverbial portion is कड “a side,” said to be from Skr. कट “hip, loin.” It has also an ablative series इकडून “hence.” May we not here throw out a crumb for our Non-Aryan brethren? There is a long string of words in our seven languages of the type adda, and our Sanskrit dictionaries give √अड् “to join,” also “to stop.” On the other hand, Telugu has ikkaḍa “here,” ikkaḍiki “hither,” which looks very like M. ikaḍe. So, also, in Telugu akkaḍa “there.” All the Dravidian languages have a root add, which, in various forms, has a range of meanings such as “to be near,” “close,” “to cross,” “to stop,” and the like. They may have borrowed from the Aryans, or the Aryans from them. It by no means follows, as the opposite party always assume, that when a word is common to both groups, it must have been originally Dravidian. In the O. expression आड़ is a noun meaning “direction,” and is used in that sense independently of its adverbial employment with the pronoun.
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(3). Pronominal adverbs of manner.—The Hindi series यों, ज्यों, त्यों, etc., and for the near demonstrative and interrogative respectively softened forms यूं and जूं, vary very little in the dialects. Marwari has ऊं, इऊं “thus,” and, together with Braj and Mewari, has the far demonstrative, which is wanting in the classical dialect, वों or वूं. Mewari adds कर and गा, as ईंकर, ईंगा “thus,” which Kellogg looks on as from Skr. इ and गम respectively, and rightly so; for even in classical H. we have क्यूंकर “how?” and in Chand and the poets करि or कइ (कै) are added to all this pronominal series at will.
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The older form of this group is still preserved in the Purbi form इम or इमि, जिमि, तिमि. Chand has both this series and the modern one in यों, as यों भयौ रिषि अवधूत । “Thus the Rishi was absorbed in thought” (Pr.-R. i. 48), त्यों इह कथ्य प्रमाणं ॥ ज्यों जानि कोविदं लोयं ॥ “Thus this story is proved, its learned folk know” (ib. xiii. 5), पदमावती इम ले चल्यौ । हरषि राज पृथराज । “King Prithiraj, rejoicing, thus (ima) led away Padmâvatî” (ib. xx. 35), तहां सु केम किज्जै गमन । “How can one go there?” (ib. i. 90). Tulsi Das has इमि, जिमि, etc., as in तन पसेउ कदली जिमि कांपी “Her body was in a sweat, she trembled as a plantain-tree (trembles).”—Ram. Ay-k. 131.
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M. may be excluded, as it has no series of this type, but merely the neuter of the adjective pronoun, as असें, जसें, तसें. All the other languages have closely allied words. B. एमन, एमत, एमने, एमते, “thus,” जेमन, etc. ; the first two are nominatives, the last two locatives. O. एमति, जेमति, locatives; also ए परि, the pronominal type, with a postposition. G. एम, जेम, where the termination has been lost, also for demonstrative आम. This series is sometimes written ज्यम, त्यम, क्यम, but जेम is the more common, as in कीर्ति यह नळ नी विस्तीर्ण जेम सूरज ना पसरे कीर्ति ॥ “The fame of Naḷa was spread abroad, as spread the rays of the sun” (Premânand in H.-D. ii. 71).
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Next in order comes the Old-Purbi H. इमि, etc., and, with the nasal weakened, probably through an intermediate form इंव, and change of the semivowel to its vowel, P. इऊं and ऐऊं aiûn, and the full series जिऊं, तिऊं, किऊं, as well as one without the i, जऊं, तऊं, etc., to which is allied H. ज्यों, etc., for जिऊं. S. rejects the labial element in इंच, हींच, ईएं, and the rest of the series.
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In this instance B. and O. preserve the fuller forms, and the other languages fall away by degrees, in the order given above. The whole group points, in my opinion, clearly to a type in मत् or वत्. This is still more clearly seen by comparing the pronominal adjective of quality in B. and O. केमन्त, सेमन्त, for मन्तो is the regular Prakrit form of the masc. मत्, just as वन्तो is of वत् in Skr. It is true that the existing Skr. series means rather quantity than manner, thus—
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इयान्, इयती, इयत् “so much,”
कियत् “how much?”
एतावान्, ॰वती, ॰वत् “so much,”
यावत् “as much as.”
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But the affixes mat and vat imply possession, and thus naturally pass over into the idea of manner. It seems that we have in the modern group this affix added to the ordinary range of pronominal types, and thus a formation of a later kind, rather than a direct derivation from the Skr. Kellogg’s suggestion of a derivation from a Skr. series in tha, of which only ittham and katham are extant in the classical writings, fails to account for the Old-Purbi and G. forms, as well as for those in B. and O. Also the S. form इँअ seems to be more naturally referred to an earlier emana, through eṇan, than to ittham, unless, indeed, we regard the anuswâra as inserted to fill the hiatus left by elision of tth. S. does, undoubtedly, insert anuswâra to fill a hiatus; but as the cognate languages have a म just where the anuswâra in S. occurs, it is more natural to regard the one as a weakening of the other, and the final anuswâra in H. and P. as the same, pushed one syllable forwards, so that H. ज्यों would be for an older form जिंअ. As the change, whatever it was, was completed before our earliest writer Chand's days, there is no actual proof forthcoming.
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§ 82. Adverbs derived from nouns and verbs.—Under this head may be classed certain words such as those given in Vol. II. p. 296, which are either postpositions or adverbs, according to the connection in which they are used. In either case they are, by derivation, locative cases of nouns. Some are peculiar to one or two languages, while others are common, in one form or another, to the whole group. I do not, of course, undertake to give them all, but only a selection of those most commonly used, so as to show the practice of the languages in this respect. There are, for instance, H. आगे "before," and पीछे "behind," which are used adverbially in the sense of "formerly" and "afterwards" respectively, that is, with reference to time, and in this sense take, like the pronominal adverbs, the case-affixes, as आगे की बात "the former matter," lit. "the matter of formerly," पीछे के दुख मैं कहूंगा नहीं "I will not tell the suffering that followed," lit. "the suffering of afterwards." So also with नीचे "below," and the other words given at Vol. II. p. 296.
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Strictly referring to time definite are H. आज "to-day," P. अज्ज, S. अञु, etc. (Vol. I. p. 327), from Skr. अद्य; also H. कल from Skr. कल्य "dawn." This word has two meanings, it is used for both "yesterday" and "to-day." In rustic H. we have the forms काल, कालि, काल्ह, and कल्ह (see Vol. I. p. 350). As the Skr. means only "dawn" in general, it is used in the moderns in the double sense, but in cases where the meaning might not be clear from the context, a word meaning past is employed when "yesterday" is intended, and a word meaning future when "to-morrow" is implied. It also takes case-affixes, as कल की लडाई में घायल हुआ "He was wounded in yesterday's battle," but कल की लडाई में जदि घायल हूंगा "If I shall be wounded in to-morrow's battle." G. काले, S. कल्ह, काल्ह, M. काल.
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So also are used the following:—Skr. परःश्वस् "the day after to-morrow." In the moderns it has also the sense "the day before yesterday," as H. परसों, and dialects परसों, परहौँ, परों. P. परसों, S. परिरहं, परिरहंको, seem to be used only in the first meaning. G. परम, M. परवां. O. has पर always in combination with दिन, and where the sentence does not of itself sufficiently indicate the meaning, they add the words "gone" and "coming" to express it more clearly, गत पर दिन "the day before yesterday," and आसंता पर दिन "the day after to-morrow."
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H. goes a step further still, and has तरसों "three days ago," or "three days hence," where the first syllable is probably Skr. त्रि "three." Similarly S. तरिहं, but also with rejection of initial त, अरिहं. Kellogg quotes dialectic forms in H. अतरसों, तरों, तरों. In H. we have even a still further नरसों "four days ago," which is rarely, however, used, and the initial of which, I conjecture, comes from अन्य, as though it were for अन्य तरसों "another day (besides) three days ago."
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H. सवेर "early," "betimes," and अबेर, or more usually अबेर "late," are Skr. स and अ, compounded with बेला respectively. S. सवेर and अबेर, also अबेल, besides the adjectively used forms सवेरो and सवारो, as well as अबेलो. In this sense is also used H. सकाले, सकारे, O. and B. id.; in O. it is frequently used in the sense of “early in the morning,” also “early to-morrow morning,” as आजि जाइ पारिबुं नहिं सकाले जिबुं “To-day we shall not be able to go, we will go early to-morrow morning.” H. here uses तडके, conjunctive participle of तडना “to break,” as we should say “at break of day;” also भोर “dawn” is used in H. and O., भोरे in B. for “at dawn;” where G. has वाहाणो, M. उवां (Skr. उदय “sunrise”). Common also is Skr. प्रभाते, B. id., G. परभाते, of which the Oriyas make पाहान्ते “at dawn;” in Eastern Bengal one hears पाहा. The H. भोर is probably connected with the Skr. √भ्रा in some way not very clear. G. has a curious word मळसके “at dawn,” probably connected with मळवुं “to meet,” and, like Skr. सन्ध्या, indicating the meeting of darkness and light.
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“Rapidly,” “quickly,” “at once.”—This idea is expressed by derivatives of the Skr. √त्वर्, principally from the p.p.p. त्वरितम्, which is used adverbially already in Skr. The forms are: H. तुरंत, M. तूर्त, G. तुरत, तरत, खरीत, S. तुर्तु, O. B. तुरंत, त्वरित. M. has a peculiar word लवकर “at once, quickly,” Skr. लव (√लू “to cut”) “a minute,” M. लवणे “to flash, twitch, move quickly.” It is not found in any other language. Commoner, however, is H. झट “quick!” reduplicated झटपट, M. झटकन, S. झटपटि and चटिपटि, O. झट, झटपट, B. झटि, from Skr. झटिति. “Immediately” is also expressed in M. by तत्काल्, O. and B. तत् क्षणात्, but these are pedantic. H. P. M. and S. have also a word अचानक; H. also अचांचक “suddenly,” “unexpectedly,” corresponding to which is G. अचाचेते, ओचितो, pointing to a derivation from अ and √चिन्त् “to think,” though I am disposed also to remember Skr. चमत्कार, H. चौक, in this connection. O. and B. use हठात्, literally ablative of Skr. हठ, meaning “by force.” It is used generally of sudden and forcible action, but also in sentences where no force, only surprise, or a sudden fright, occurs. Similarly in H. and G. एकाएक “all of a sudden,” M. एकाएकी, are used.
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Among adverbs of place, considerable divergences exist, each language having a large stock of words peculiar to itself, in addition to those which are common to the whole group. Sindhi is rich in words of this class, most of which are of somewhat obscure origin. Thus we find a small group with the typical ending in उ, as आडो “opposite,” ओडो “near,” ओडिरो diminutive of the preceding. Peculiar to S. is also वेझो “near,” with its diminutive वेझिरो. सूधो “accompanied by,” O. सुधा, is by Trumpp referred to Skr. सार्धं “with,” and सञ्झों “near,” to संहित, probably correctly. See the remarks on the postposition से in Vol. II. p. 274, and on the Nepali ablative in सित, Vol. II. p. 235. From adverbs with the affixes आहो and आरो are formed certain adjectives which may, in their turn, be again used adverbially as well as adjectively, that is, they may either stand alone uninflected, or may agree with a substantive in gender and number. Thus—
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ओरे “on this side,” ओराहों “somewhat on this side.” आगे “in front,” आगाहों “somewhat in front.” पोइते “behind,” पोइताहों “somewhat behind.” मथे “upon,” मथाहों “somewhat higher up.” मंझे “in,” मंझाहो ) मंझारो ) “somewhat inside.”
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This last word recalls the old poetic Hindi मझार used in Chand (see Vol. II. p. 293). They may also take the feminine ending आहीं, as अगाहीं, मथाहीं.¹
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¹ Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 385.
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Simple ablatives or locatives of nouns are also used adverbially, as—
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पुत्रां ) पुत्रों ) “from behind,” abl. of पोउ “the rear.” पुठिआं “from behind,” ” पुठि “the back.”
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| मथां “from upon,” | abl. of मथो “the head.” |
| मथे id. | loc. of id. |
| मागे “at all,” | ” मागु “place.” |
| मूरि “completely,” | ” मूरु “capital,” “stock-in-trade.” |
| मूरहिं } id. | abl. of id. |
| मूराईं } | |
| महंदि “before,” | loc. of महंदु “beginning.” |
| महंदां id. | abl. of id. |
| पारे “on the other side,” | loc. of पारु “the other side.” |
| पारां “from the other side,” | abl. of id. |
| अंदरे “within,” | loc. of अंदरु “the inside.” |
| अंदरां } “from within,” | abl. of id. |
| अंदसें } | |
| विचे “in the midst,” | loc. of विच “the midst.” |
| हडे } “at all,” | ” हडु “the core.” |
| हडेहीं } | |
| हेठे “below,” | ” हेतु “the bottom.” |
| हेठां “from below,” | abl. of id. |
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Sindhi thus preserves the case-endings more strictly than the other languages. The latter mostly take the Prakrit locative, or ablative, and entirely reject the terminations.
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Hindi has अनत “elsewhere,” Skr. अन्यत्र, निकट “near,” also नेरे (dialectically नेरु and नेरौ); परे “on the other side,” भीतर “within,” Skr. अभ्यन्तरे, बाहिर, बाहर “outside,” Skr. वहिस, and others.
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M., like S., has मागे, but in the sense of “before,” also पुढें “before,” पल्याड “beyond,” वर “above,” जवळ “near,” which are peculiar to itself. In the other languages there is nothing deserving special mention; the subject has already been treated in Vol. II. p. 296.
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Adverbs of manner.—While the adverbs of place, being also, in their nature, postpositions, and as such used to form cases, do not call for special mention, adverbs of manner are not so used, and it is to them that the term adverb, in its more special sense, correctly applies. Such words as *âge* "before," *pichhe* "behind," and the others, may, indeed, be properly regarded as adverbs when they are used alone, but when in conjunction with nouns, they become true postpositions, giving to the relations of the noun a more extended application. Adverbs of manner, on the other hand, are, for the most part, adjectives used adverbially, and this practice is common in all Aryan languages. In Sindhi, which preserves distinctions obliterated in the other languages, adjectives may, as pointed out above, be used adverbially by being undeclined, or, in their true use as adjectives, by agreeing with the subject in gender and case. Thus, to quote the instances given by Trumpp:¹
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¹ Sindhi Grammar, p. 386.
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ओचितोई कुए हिकिडे उन भांडे जे भरि में वरु किओ "By chance one mouse made a hole near that granary."
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Here *ochito-î* is an adjective in the nom. sing. masc. with emphatic *î*, and although by the accident of the construction it is in the same case as the subject *kue* "a mouse," yet it is evidently used adverbially.
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तडिहीं जरु हारे जाल घणो रोई माउ वरिओसि "Then having shed tears much, having wept much, his mother returned."
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Here *ghaṇo* is an adjective in the nom. sing. masc., and clearly does not agree with *mâü* "mother," which is feminine; it must be regarded as used adverbially.
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लुकूं लगनि कोसिऊं डाढा त पनि डोह "The winds strike hot, the days burn fiercely."
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In this sentence I do not think we should regard the adjectives as used adverbially; *lukū̃* "winds," is a noun in the nom. pl. fem. and *kosiū̃* "hot" agrees with it, so also *ḍōh* “days,” is nom. sing. masc. and द्रढ “fierce, excessive” (Skr. दृढ), agrees with it; so that we might more literally translate, “the hot winds strike, the fierce days burn.”
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In Marathi and Gujarati also, where adjectives have the full range of three genders, they are often made to agree with the noun in constructions, where in English they would be used adverbially. When intended to be adverbially used, they stand in the nom. sing. neuter, ending in ें M. and ं G. In Bengali and Oriya, where no gender exists, it is impossible to draw the same line of distinction, and this remark applies also to that numerous class of adjectives in Hindi and Panjabi, as also in all the other languages, which are indeclinable, or which, ending in mute *a*, do not vary their terminations. Those adjectives in H. and P. which end in *ā* masc. and *ī* fem., when used adverbially, stand in the former gender and do not vary with the noun.
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§ 83. Conjunctions.—In Hindi the common word for “and” is और, Old-H. अरु, अवर, from Skr. अपर “other.” In B. and O. it loses the final consonant, B. ओ, O. अउ. In B., however, एवं, pronounced ebong, is very common; and आर “also.” P. अते, often shortened into ते, probably from Skr. अंते “at the end,” “afterwards,” as well as अर (अपर). S. अउं, अइं, ईं or ई, in which the fondness of S. for the *i*-sound comes out. G. uses generally तया literally “then.” It has besides य and ओ for “also,” which belong to the group from अपर. G. अने, shortened ने, I am disposed to connect with P. अते, and ascribe to Skr. अंते. In the former case the त has been lost, in the latter the न. It may, however, be allied to M. आणि, अणखी “and,” from Skr. अन्य “other.” In all the languages, however, the shorter conjunction व is in use, side by side with the words given above. The ordinary Skr. च has left no descendants. The Gipsies use *te* or *ta*, which agrees with P., also *u*, which is Persian و.
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“Also.”—H. भी, Skr. अपि हि, Pr. वि हि. The various steps from अपि downwards are all retained in S. पि, बि, भि (for बिहि), and भी. The other forms पुणु, पुखि, पिणि, are from Skr. पुनर् “again,” and show a gradual change from the *u* to the *i*, in accordance with S. proclivities. P. नाळ means literally “near to,” locative of नाळ “near.” G. पण, meaning also “but,” is from पुनर्. B. uses ओ, and O. भि.
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“But” is very frequently expressed even in Hindi by the Arabic words लेकिन, لیکن, बल्कि, بلکہ, and Persian मगर, مگر; and in the other languages also. Pure Sanskrit are परंतु and किन्तु, as well as बरण (Skr. वरं). In Hindi पर (Skr. परं) is also used, and in P., which also uses अपर, and a strange form ऐपर, in the initial syllable of which we may recognize an incorporation of the near demonstrative pronoun, so that it means “rather than this.” P. has also मगवां, मगों, probably corruptions of مگر. Peculiar to P. and S. are the forms P. हयां, S. हथा, हथो, and emphatic हयांईं and हथोईं “but rather.” These are ablatives from हय, and the idiom may be paralleled by our English phrase “on the other hand.” S. has also पर “but,” and पण, in which latter it agrees with G. It also uses मगरि, having added a final *i* to مگر. G. and M., in addition to पण, use also परंतु, O. किन्त and पर, B. किन्तु and वरं.
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“Or.”—H. बा, अथवा, which are Skr., with ब for व. The Arabic या, یا is very common, and commoner still is कि, probably shortened from किंवा. This कि is colloquially common in nearly all the languages. G. writes it के, where *e* is short. M. lengthens the vowel and retains the nasalization कों, also using अथवा, as does G. P. के, अथवा, and या. S. के and को. B. uses several varieties of किंवा, as किम्बा, किवा, कि, and वा, also अथवा. O. the same.
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“If.”—Skr. यदि, generally pronounced and written जदि, is universal. H. shortens it into जद and जे (= जइ, with loss of द) and जो, by rejection of final *i*, and द goes out, its place being supplied by व and उ; thus जद = जव = जउ = जो. Persian अगर اگر is also very common. P. जे and जेकर. This last introduces कर for करि "having done." S. जे.
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"Although."—Skr. यद्यपि is used in B. O., also in H., but more common is जो भी "if even." P. has भािवं, literally "one may think," or "it may seem." B. also uses जदि ओ "if even." S. तोडे, तोणे, sometimes with जे prefixed, जे तोडे; this, too, is literally "if even," for तोडे alone is used to mean "either," "even," and is apparently really the correlative तो (तउ = तदि) with a diminutive affix. It is not found in the other languages. G. जो पण "but if." In all cases there is a correlative; thus to H. जो or जो भी answers तो or तो भी "then," or "even then;" to P. भािवं answers तां भी; to G. जो पण, answers तो पण, and so in all. In B. and O., as in written H., the correlative is Skr. तथापि "yet."
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"Because."—H. क्यूंकि literally "for why." B. and O. use Skr. कारण "cause," and जे हेतु or जे हेतुक. G. माटे, probably Skr. मात्रिके, which is also sometimes used in O. in the sense of "only," "merely," "for the simple reason that." G. has also केमके "for why," and shorter कांके. S. जेलां, जेल्हं, where the last syllable is for लाइं "for" (see Vol. II. p. 260). S. also uses a string of forms with छा "why?" as छाजो, छा लाइ, and छो ता, छो जो. The correlatives "therefore," etc., take the त form तेला "etc."
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These instances may suffice to show the general principles on which the languages proceed in forming their conjunctions. There is, as in other respects, a general similarity of process, accompanied by variations of development.
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§ 84. Interjections.—The various spontaneous or involuntary sounds, some of them hardly articulate, by which sudden emotions are expressed, are scarcely susceptible of rigid scientific analysis in any language. Everywhere we find ha! ho! or ah! oh! and the like. Surprise, fear, disgust, delight, and
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other sentiments are often displayed by grunts, shakes, turns of the head, or movements of the hands, and among the people of India the hands play so large a part in conversation that they may almost be said to speak for themselves. It is only the Englishman who can converse with his hands in his pockets.
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In Hindi the principal interjections are हे, हो, अहो, ओ “Ho!” or “Oh!” हे is used to superiors, as हे धर्मावतार “O incarnation of justice!” which is the common method of addressing a Magistrate or Judge, हे प्रभु “O Lord!” हे पिता “O father!” हो, अहो, and ओ, have no special tone of respect or disrespect. Sorrow is shown by आ, आह, हाय, हा हा, अहह “alas!” whence the common cry of native suitors, or persons applying to a ruler for redress, दोहाए literally “twice alas!” One often hears dohâe khudâwand, dohâe Angrez Bahâdûr, which is as much as to say “grant me justice,” or “listen to my complaint.” Others are छि छि “fie!” चुप “hush!” ऊह, ओह “ah!” a cry of pain; थू थू disgust; हत तेरी, an expression with a suspicion of indelicacy about it, like too many of the native ejaculations, meaning “begone,” and at times with a menacing tone “how dare you?” I suspect the word now spelt हत was originally हट from हटना “to go away,” “be stopped,” and तेरी the feminine genitive of तू “thou,” is explained by such filthy expressions as तेरी मा “thy mother.” Two men are quarrelling, and one says to the other “âh, terî mâ,” “oh thy mother.” The person addressed at once understands that some gross and filthy insult to his mother is intended, for indiscriminate foul abuse of each other’s female relations is a favourite weapon with the natives of India. Thus the innocent word साला or शाला “brother-in-law,” has become the lowest term of abuse in these languages, the obscene imagination of the people immediately grasping the idea involved in this assumption of relationship.
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Panjabi has mostly the same as Hindi. A very favourite interjection of surprise with Panjabis, though it is also used by the other languages, is वाह, and doubled वाह वाह. The simple-minded Panjabi says “wâh! wâh!” to every new thing he sees, and this favourite exclamation helps to form the once terrible war-cry of the fighting Sikhs, “wâh wâh! fatih guru jî!”
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All the other languages have these common interjections, several of which are also Persian or Arabic more or less corrupted. Thus the Persian شاد باش shâd bâsh, “be joyful!” is used everywhere as a term of encouragement, “well done!” and is used to stimulate workers to increased efforts, to express approbation, or to kindle flagging courage. It appears mostly without the ش, as shabâsh, shabâshe, sabâs, according to the language in which it is used.
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A few special remarks are due to a very widespread word which is claimed by the Non-Aryan writers, अडे, अरे or रे. This is used to call inferiors, to rebuke impertinence, in scolding or quarrelling, and in most languages takes also a feminine form अडी, डी, री. Dr. Caldwell shows¹ that this word is also in use in the Dravidian group, and is there understood to mean “O slave!” Hemachandra, however (ii, 201), knows it as used in addressing (sambhâshaṇe), and in dalliance (ratikalahe). For reproach (kshepe) he prescribes हरे. I do not dispute the Non-Aryan origin of this word, but it must have found its way into Aryan speech at a very early date, and has there, to a great extent, lost its sense of rebuke, for it is often used merely to call attention, and in friendly condescension to an inferior, and there has sprung up beside it a form अबे, used also in the same tone. The interchange of ड and र need cause no difficulty, being, especially in early writers, extremely common. There does not appear to be any Sanskrit origin for this word, and the fact that in the Dravidian group it can be traced to a definite meaning, is one which carries great weight.
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¹ Dravidian Comparative Grammar, p. 440 (first edition).
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In O. and B. रे is only used in calling males; when addressing females, O. uses लो, and B. गो. Thus O. आस लो, मा बजारकु जिबा “Come along, mother, let us go to the bazar;” B. निबेद्ये धनी शुन गो जननि “The lady entreats, ‘hear me, oh my mother’” (Bhârat, Vid.-S. 338). लो, ओलो are also used in B. in contempt or reproof. Both these words seem to be fragments of लोगो, from Skr. लोक in the sense of “person,” the word लोग or लोगाई being used to indicate the women of the speaker’s family, and especially his wife, whom it is not considered proper to speak of directly.
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§ 85. It is necessary to revert to the subject of postpositions, although they were partially discussed in Vol. II. p. 295, because in that place they were regarded in only one of their two aspects, namely, as factors in the declensional system. Here they must be looked at as parts of speech, corresponding to prepositions in the western Aryan languages.
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In Hindi, in addition to the postpositions mentioned in Vol. II., may be cited as very common the following, some of which are also used as adverbs. Thus बाहर “without” (Skr. वहिस) is used as a postposition with the genitive case, as घर के बाहर “outside the house,” or even without the genitive sign, as द्वार बाहर “outside the door.” So also पार “across,” “on the other side of,” is very commonly used with the direct form of the noun in the phrase नदी पार “across the river,” “on the other side of the river.” So also समेत “with,” “accompanied by,” as सूर सामंत समेत “accompanied by his peers and paladins,” the meaning of the postposition from सम + आ + इ requires this construction.
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बीच “in,” “in the middle of,” शिर “at the end of” (Skr. शिरस), कणे “near to,” “at the house of” (Skr. कर्ण), संग “with,” हाथ “by means of,” ही “at,” “at the house of”
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(Skr. स्थाने),¹ are also colloquially common, both with and without the sign of the genitive, but more frequently with it.
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¹ Platts (Grammar, p. 195), from whom I take this list, is the first writer to give the real origin and meaning of this word, which I, in common with most of my countrymen, had hitherto confounded with yahân “here.” There was no need for Platts to be so very dogmatic and arrogant about this and one or two similar small discoveries. He should try to bear the weight of his stupendous erudition more meekly. We may be thankful, however, to him for condescending to make a few mistakes occasionally, to bring himself down to our level. Such are the remarkable bit of philology in note 1, page 164, and his remarks on the intransitive in notes to pp. 171, 174. He who undertakes to correct others, should be quite sure he is right himself first.
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Panjabi has कोळ “near,” literally, “in the bosom of,” कोळों “from the side of,” विच “in,” which is the regular sign of the locative, पार “on the other side,” and पार वार “on both sides” (of a river, valley, etc.), as well as the Hindi words given above.
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The postpositions in Sindhi are more numerous, and are divided, more clearly than in the other languages, into two classes, those which are added direct to the oblique form of the noun, and those which are added to the genitive. Of the first class are भर or भरि “on,” “leaning on” (Skr. भर), where in H. भर rather means “full,” as कोस भर “a full kos;” तोडि and तोणि “up to,” which Trumpp regards as an emphatic locative from तोडु “end;” जां, जिंअ, जींअ, जिएं, “like” (Skr. यथा); डां, डांह, डे “towards,” with an ablative form डहां “from the direction of” (perhaps from Skr. दिश्); रे, रिअ, “without” (Skr. ऋते); सां, साणु, सें, सेणु “with” (Skr. सम; cf. B. सने).
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S. सूधां “along with,” H. सूधा and सुधा “with,” O. सुधा or सबु सुधा “together with,” “all taken together,” from Skr. सार्द्धम्, according to Trumpp and others, but the O. usage seems to refer rather to Skr. शुद्ध, in the sense of संशुद्ध “completed.”
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S. सींआ “up to,” “till” (Skr. सीमा), P. सीं and सीउं, appears occasionally to be used as a postposition, and one or two others of less importance complete the list.
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Of the second class are बाझાં, बाझूं, बाझों “without,” P. बाझ, बाझों *id.* This rather means “owing to the absence of,” as in the passage quoted by Trumpp, तान सूरिह मान्या सेल्ह देखण बाझों दोस जे “Then they were considered by the hero as thorns in the absence of his friend.” It is probably connected with Skr. √बंध् in the sense of being bound or impeded. विना “without” (Skr. विना), is also common in H. P. B. and O. In M. विना, and G. विना and वना (*winá, waná*).
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S. लाइ and लइ “for the sake of,” correspond to H. P. लिये, and are used like it, either with or without the genitive particle; but in S. the meaning is the same in both cases, while in H. it differs; thus उस लिये “for that reason,” but उस के लिये “for the sake of him.”
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While in the other languages the postpositions, when not used as case-signs, are almost invariably joined to the genitive with the masculine oblique case-sign, in Sindhi they may take the ablative or accusative. Thus आडो “in front,” may take the accusative. It is probably like O. आदौ “in the first place,” or with a negative आदौ न “not at all,” “at no time;” thus आदौ सेठि गला नहि literally “to begin with, he did not go there,” that is to say, “he never went there at all,” locative of Skr. आदि “beginning.”
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अंदरि “within,” Skr. अंतर, but more probably from Persian اندر. ओडो “near to,” धारां “apart, without,” काणे “for the sake of,” contracted from कारणे; मथे “upon,” loc. of मथो “head,” वांगे “like to,” वेझो “near to,” are also used in the same way.
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In Marathi, besides the postpositions which are exclusively employed in forming cases, there are some which are added direct to the oblique form of the noun, and others which require the genitive case-sign.
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Of the former kind are वर “on” (Skr. उपरि), which is generally written as one word with the noun, as घरावर “on the house,” उद्यांवर “till to-morrow.” A longer form is वरता, which is declined as an adjective, generally meaning “up.” Others are बाहेर “out,” आंत “in,” कडे “at,” कडून “by means of,” वांचून “without,” विषयीं “about,” “concerning,” literally “in the matter (of),” मागें “behind,” “formerly,” पुढें “before,” “in future,” खालीं “under.”
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There is nothing specially worthy of note in the remaining languages which do not vary from Hindi very widely, either in the words they use, or in the manner of using them.
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§ 86. The survey of the seven languages is here ended; the thinness of matter and illustration, in some respects, is due to the want of material, the difficulty of procuring books, and the absence of persons who might be consulted. Others, who enjoy greater advantages in these respects, will, in future times, supplement and supersede much that is defective and erroneous in this outline. Amru’lkais sings—
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وَمَا الْمَرْءُ مَا دَامَتْ حُشَاشَةُ نَفْسِهِ
بِمُدْرِكِ أَطْرَافِ الْخُطُوبِ وَلَا آلِ
Linked texts (5)
- Rāmacaritamānasa — Tulsīdās 1574, Hindi
- Pṛthvīrāj Rāso — Cand Bardāī, Hindi
- Ṛgvedasaṃhitā — Sanskrit
- Vālmīkirāmāyaṇa — Vālmīki, Sanskrit
- Premānand — Gujarati